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The Clan Gregor in the last Jacobite rising of 1745-46

By Peter Lawrie, ©2017
Introduction.
This article was originally written in 1996, but as some of Duncan MacPharrie's statements have been challenged as unsupported by any other accounts of the '45, I felt it should be revisited. It is indeed true that MacPharrie's account is biased in favour of Evan MacGregor alias Murray, as it was written at the request of his son John, in 1788. MacPharrie's account is specifically about the exploits of Evan and his older brother, Robert of Glencarnaig in Balquhidder. Other MacGregors active in the Rising, such as Griogar Glundubh of Glengyle, James Mor and others are mentioned only in so far as they touched Evan. There was undoubted antipathy between the Glengyle and Glencarnaig MacGregors which pre-dated the '45.

In this paper I have attempted to corroborate MacPharrie’s narrative as far as possible, and identified where there is no corroboration – although that does not completely disprove what he wrote. Further information relevant to the experience of MacGregors in general involved in the ’45 has been included.

Despite the wealth of historical and romantic literature on the '45 Rising, members of Clan Gregor merit only brief mentions in asides and footnotes. Only one account by a member of the clan exists, that of Duncan MacPharrie, Robert Murray of Glencarnaig's standard bearer, MacPharrie's account is entitled "Journal of the Clan of MacGregor and Transactions of the year 1745, from the Braes of Balquhidder, till they returned, by Mr Duncan MacGregor". [1]
It appears to have been committed to paper in February 1788, 42 years after the event, at the request of John Murray, Major Evan's son , who became 20th chief of Clan Gregor in 1775 and first Baronet MacGregor in 1795. [2]
MacPharrie's account was subsequently published in 1901, uncritically, in the "History of The Clan Gregor" by Amelia Murray-MacGregor, a descendant of Evan. [3]
In this paper, all references to MacPharrie's account can be found in Note 1 below and are as published in Amelia Vol II, chapter 28.

MacPharrie's account is claimed to be the recollection of an old man who participated as standard bearer to Robert Murray or MacGregor of Glencarnaig, but was not himself a principal in the Rising. In 1774 the proscription against the MacGregor name had been finally lifted following a petition to the UK Parliament by Gregor boidheach of Inverarnan. Wealthy John Murray then persuaded a considerable number of MacGregors to elect him as chief, despite the objections of the son of the 19th chief, Alexander Drummond, grandson of Alexander Drummond of Balhaldies elected 17th chief in 1714. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that Major Evan takes "centre stage" in MacPharrie's account and this may have "coloured" his evidence somewhat.

It has been suggested that "MacPharrie's account" may have actually been written by Rev. William MacGregor-Stirling, employed as a researcher by John Murray after he had become chief, in order to assert the prominence of his father Evan's role in the '45.
Duncan MacPharrie   This d’Hardivillier lithograph dated to 1832 and the visit of the exiled French king, Charles X, to Dunkeld is entitled 'Mac-Gregor' and signed in a shaky hand, 'Duncan MacGregor'. It has been suggested that it may be Duncan MacPharrie of the "account". By then, he would have been aged over 100, and celebrated as one of the few remaining survivors of the '45.

Sheila MacGregor concluded, having examined the evidence, that MacPharrie appeared to be the same Duncan Drummond or MacGregor from Strathyre who had been involved with Rob Roy's sons in the kidnapping in December 1750 of Jean Key as a wife for Robin Oig, for which Robin was hanged in 1754. James Mor excaped from prison into exile in France while Duncan was acquitted. His involvement could be the reason for Walter Scott mistakenly claiming that Rob Roy had a son named Duncan.

Duncan married Kate, son of Coll and grandson of Rob Roy some time after the '45. John MacGregor, a former chair of the Clan Gregor Society, suggested that Duncan MacPharrie could have still been alive in 1832. His possible baptism was recorded in the Killin OPR on November 24, 1728, the son of Patrick MacGregor and Catherine McColl. This would have made him 16 at the start of the Rising. He would therefore have been 103 if he had survived until 1832. A great age, but not impossible and therefore just possibly the subject of the lithograph. Of course, none of this speculation proves his authorship of the 'account' and its credibility, only his existence.
It is the nature of war, that the winning side writes the history. Many accounts were written during the Rising and shortly afterwards by supporters of the Hanoverian regime. In the light of the vicious reprisals against anyone who had been involved, suspected of being involved, wore tartan clothing, or merely found themselves in the way of regime soldiery as they looted and burned their way through "disaffected areas", it is not surprising that Jacobites were reluctant to put pen to paper in the immediate aftermath.

Only as the likelihood of another rising faded and particularly after the death of Charles Stuart in 1788 and the renunciation of any claim to the throne by his brother, Henry Cardinal York, did remaining anti-Jacobite sentiment mutate into romanticism. By then the nervous Hanoverian regime had largely withdrawn its garrison from Scotland. Such Romanticism was fostered by Whig historians right up to modern times in a deliberate policy of marginalising the Jacobite Risings and painting them as the last-gasp of an obsolescent social system in the face of modernisation, enlightenment and improvement. As Murray Pittock puts it in his "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", this romantic marginalisation represented a sustained campaign against an independent Scottish identity which is only now being re-examined. [4]

For the most part, the activities of members of Clan Gregor can be found only as asides in the accounts of others. The apparent enthusiasm of Clan Gregor for the Stuart cause - out in 1689, 1715, 1719 and 1745 - is a paradox. Clan Gregor had enjoyed few benefits from any of the Stewart dynasty. James VI, the Great Great Grandfather of Prince Charles, had sought to have the "wicked and unhappie race of Clangregour ... extirpat and ruttit out, and nevir sufferit to have rest or remaning within this cuntrey heirefter". [See here for the full text] One might question whether legislation enacted in 1603 should have any bearing on the opinions and actions of descendants in 1745. However, the proscription of the MacGregors in the legislation of James VI in 1603 and Charles I in 1633, despite being repealed by Charles II in 1660, continued and was reenacted under William & Mary in 1693. It continued in force until finally repealed by an Act of the Westminster Parliament in 1774.

In this paper I have pieced together the events in which parts of the Clan Gregor regiment participated. The word regiment, signifies a coherent organisation with an undisputed leader and chain of command. Particularly with respect to the MacGregors, this may be misleading. It is improbable that there were ever more than 300 active combatants, but they were split amongst two or three groups, with four "colonels". None of these groups were ever big enough to form a discrete formation in the three set-piece battles of the '45. It appears that there was jealousy, possible animosity between the factions - especially between Glengyle and Glencarnaig.

  Highland soldier of the 1745 rising
Some Background Explanations
It is important to amplify and explain some points for the benefit of readers who may not know the background of the Jacobite Risings and the nature of Scottish Society in the 18th century. I trust that the more informed reader will excuse me in this.

Probably more than half of the Jacobite army were not "Highlanders" as generally understood. Many recruits were drawn from the east and north-east coast. This included Lowland Perthshire, the burghs of Dundee, Arbroath, Montrose, Aberdeen, Banff and Elgin and their hinterlands. Despite being named the "Highland Army" by its leaders and being deliberately dressed in recognizably Highland clothing, Murray Pittock argues that it should be viewed as a conventional 18th century European army in its command structure, regimental organisation, commissary and weaponry. [5]
Indeed he goes on to state that the army which the Jacobites put in the field in 1745-46 should be regarded as a Scottish National army, probably raising around one half of the total possible manpower in arms, despite the opposition of notable magnates such as the Duke of Argyll and Earl of Sutherland, and also largely failing to recruit any signicant manpower from the South-West and Borders.

Many of the leaders of these men were Episcopalian non-juring landowners, only a very few Catholic, but united in their opposition to the Incorporating Union of 1707. The Episcopalians objected to the Presbyterian Church, which had become dominant in Scotland since the 1689 Revolution and had been specifically favoured in the Union treaty. Thus, instead of considering the Jacobite Risings as having been on behalf of a discredited, absolutist and Catholic Stuart monarchy, they should be thought of as a popular Scottish uprising against the 1707 Union, with a restored Stuart monarchy seen as the key to achieving a better relationship with England.

While some of the leaders could be defined as 'chiefs of clans and families', many were not. South of the Forth, much of the population were Presbyterians, with memories of the 17th century persecutions of the Covenanters under the reign of Charles II and James VII, and thus opposed to a restoration of the Stuart dynasty, despite evidence, even in these areas, of majority anti-Union sentiment. Pittock points out that the song, "Parcel of Rogues" usually attributed to Robert Burns, was in fact in comon use much earlier in the 18th century - "We were bought and sold for English Gold, such a parcel of rogues in a nation". [6]

Regarding the genuine Highlanders – on both sides, as militias drawn from Highland clans, especially in Argyll and Sutherland, were active on the Government side - any army based on clansmen campaigning in or near the Highlands would be constrained by the Highland calendar. Just as Montrose discovered one hundred years before, Prince Charles found that the harvest was more important than affairs of state. Despite the beginnings of improved agriculture on a few estates, a subsistence agricultural economy operated over much of the Highlands and in significant areas outwith the Highland zone. There was a surplus of manpower for much of the year, except during late spring planting and the autumn harvest. It was usually mid to late May before the ground was dry and warm enough to plough and sow bere or oats. The harvest had to be gathered in before the autumn gales or there would be famine in the late winter. Thus, after Gladsmuir, the Highlanders disappeared almost as quickly as Johnny Cope’s dragoons. Many returned to the Jacobite army in late October after taking their booty home and bringing in the harvest. Thus it was not for reasons of strategy or statecraft that Prince Charles delayed his invasion of England for six weeks after that first victory. In fact, there were so few troops in England at the end of September that an immediate march by the Highland army on London, before Government regiments could be withdrawn from Flanders, might have caused George II to rapidly decamp back to Hanover, whether or not the army would have been capable of holding London after taking it. In April 1746, It would have been in the minds of the Prince’s advisors that failing to give battle would cause many Highlanders to desert. Also, famine stalked the Highlands that spring, money had run out and there was little food to be had.

With respect to the extent of Jacobite support, Pittock points out that post-Culloden, Scotland became an occupied country, a point which is only now being acknowledged by historians. At least 12,000 troops were deployed in late 1746. The military occupation continued, so that by 1749, ten army regiments were still deployed on garrison duty in Scotland. By 1756, the Government hit on the idea that "these turbulent people" were best managed by pressing them into service with the British army and sending them far away. [7]
As Wolfe would put it when he used Highland regiments in the conquest of Canada, "it would be no great mischief if they fall".

Pittock, in his analysis of the structure of the Jacobite army states that individual units tended to be smaller than modern army companies and regiments, and most units were over-officered when compared with today's armies. A 'regiment' might typically be 200-300 strong made up of companies of 30-50 men. [8]
Thus Glengyle's regiment reported at times to be up to 300 strong was fairly typical.

Returning to a discussion of the Clan Gregor.
I have used the modern usages of “Clan Gregor” for the clan or military formations of the clan and “MacGregor” for the name, except when quoting from contemporary documents where I have tried to preserve the original. Many forms were used, including M’Grigor, Mcgregor, McGrigger, etc. Even well educated people in the 18th century might spell the same word in two or three different ways in the same document. With regard to territorial designations, a placename may be given as Glen Gyle or Glen Carnaig, but the territorial designation of the man as used in this paper is “of Glengyle” or “of Glencarnaig”. It is difficult for a modern reader to understand the importance of these designations. In the 18th century, landed property was the essential sine qua non of a “Gentleman”, and this deserves a few words of amplification. The “Glorious Revolution” of 1689 (1688 in England) led to a new constitution, often described in correspondence as “Our Perfect Constitution of Church and State” in which possession of land was the key to participation in society and government. Only “Gentlemen” could become involved in politics or become military officers. The generally accepted Scottish convention was that “of” indicated possession, although not necessarily absolute ownership of landed property, no matter how much or little, whereas “in” merely indicated a place where a person commonly resided and conveyed no status.

Military formations usually took the name of the Colonel commanding, such as, on the Government side, Wolfe’s (8th Regiment of Foot) or Hamilton’s (14th Dragoons). It was common for the Colonel to buy his commission and wealthy commanders often paid for their men’s uniforms out of their own resources, and might modify the regulation pattern to their own tastes. On the Jacobite side, the practice was similar. Many Jacobite officers had served in British, French or Spanish forces and were drawn from the same class of society as their Hanoverian opponents. Thus we read of Ogilvy’s or Perth’s. The ‘Clan Gregor Regiment’ was not named as such, but would be called Glengyle’s or MacGregor’s, referring to the commander. It should be noted, from the little available evidence listed in the appendix, Glengyle’s did not just contain men with the name MacGregor or one of its septs. Government reports indicate that Glengyle's regiment may have numbered up to 300, although as discussed below, the numbers varied and MacGregors could be found in the muster roll of other regiments.
Lists of the MacGregors in the Muster Roll and Prisoners of the '45 are in my paper macgregors named in the 45.

Most of the men in Glengyle’s and other truly Highland regiments would have been Gaelic speaking, although it is probable that many of the private men who had been involved in the cattle trade would have some understanding of Scots. The officers, it can be assumed would be able to speak Lowland Scots and most of them would have been well-educated to the standards of the time. Pittock points out that there is no evidence of orders being issued in Gaelic, so clearly the officer corps were able to connunicate in English. [9]

With regard to Gaelic usage, taking as an example Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle, also known as James Graham, his Gaelic byname, from a birthmark, was glùn dubh or “black knee”. As this byname referred to a person, it is normally given with a capital letter and often run into a single word, thus Glundubh. In the same way, James Drummond, or MacGregor, was Seumas Mòr, or James Mor which in, modern idiom, would be “Big Jim”. The aspirated form, “James Mhor” is not correct and “James Mohr” is never correct.

Confusion concerning Glengyle
As an example of contradictions and errors in published records, - concerning Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle - Griogar Glundubh - alias James Graham:

Blackwood stated that Glengyle died in a cottage at the hands of redcoats, although in fact he lived until 1777, his son John pre-deceased him in 1774.

"Prisoners of the '45" named Glengyle "John" and labelled him "Taken at Dunrobin";

"The Muster Roll of Prince Charles Edward Stewarts Army" (AUP 1984) had "Colonel McGregor-Murray, Gregor John, of Glengyle, Governor of Doune Castle, T. 15.4.46."
However, the John MacGregor taken at Dunrobin, was a private man in the official prisoner list of Cromarties' regiment and listed among the captives on the victual list of the 'Hawk' sloop. He was not transferred to the 'Hound' sloop with the other officers. This is quite clear in the logs of the HM Sloops "Hawk" and "Hound" - PRO: FO371/ADM51

Glengyle's son, who was called John, was imprisoned in Edinburgh castle, from early 1745, when he was arrested in lieu of his father before the rising even began, until late 1746. Gregor MacGregor of Glengyle, nicknamed Glundubh, used the alias James Graham - it was the Glencarnaig family which used Murray as an alias.

To add to the confusion Glengyle, that is Glundubh, had transferred his estate by legally witnessed feu disposition to his eldest son (the above-mentioned John) on 4th April 1741, to avoid the risk of confiscation in the expected rising; hence the imprisoned John, not his father, was actually "of Glengyle". For the purpose of this paper the older man will be referred to as "Glengyle".

Christopher Duffy, in "The '45", pub 2007, stated that John, not his father Gregor, was Governor of Doune Castle. Ronald Black cited Duffy p.210 as a source for this. This is the only source I have seen for John's involvement but it is clearly wrong.

Such a catalogue of half-truths and errors is the story of Clan Gregor in the '45.

The Clan Gregor before the '45.
Scottish Highland clanship was intimately bound up with the possession of territory within a super-family group, with real or imagined common descent of its members. Ideally the feudal lordship of lands in the highlands coincided with a clan structure in which the chief would be in a position to grant territory to his dependents in return for service. The lack of lands to grant often led to the disintegration of the "clan", but might not necessarily totally destroy the authority of the chief. The problem of Clan Gregor, as with some others, stemmed from the loss of ancestral lands to powerful neighbours with more influence at court - the fount of the feudal system. Resistance by military means to such losses would lead to further displeasure from the monarch. The implementation of Royal displeasure was often then delegated to the very people responsible for the losses. Clan Gregor, appeared consistently to be on the wrong side, and unable to benefit on the few occasions when national politics put them on the right side! - for instance when the Campbells fell from favour with Mary, or when two consecutive Earls of Argyll were executed for treason in 1660 and 1685. As a result most MacGregors lived on lands owned by others, and hence in time of war they tended to follow their various landlords, rather than a MacGregor clan chief.

It is also necessary to remember that the very name MacGregor had been proscribed following Glenfruin in 1603 - see my account here. - The original proscription of the name had been unprecedented in Scotland and viciously implemented, especially by the Campbells of Glenorchy. - see the edicts of 1603 and 1633 here. - It had been reimposed in 1693 following the first of the Jacobite Risings when it was simply made illegal for a MacGregor to use his own name in any legal or official transaction. This was not lifted until 1774. The Clan Gregor was specifically excluded from the 1717 Act of Grace and Free Pardon granted to Jacobites after the '15 Rising. Thus most MacGregors are recorded under aliases which can make it difficult to identify them. Many used their landlord's names which led to the strange situation that while Rob Roy used his mother's name, Campbell; his son, James Mor used Drummond (the family name of the Duke of Perth); his nephew Glengyle used Graham (Duke of Montrose); while Glencarnaig and Gregor of Coinneachan used Murray (Duke of Atholl).

While many did use the names of their landlords, others took one of many aliases such as Dow (dubh anglicised as Black); Bain (ban anglicised as White); Roy (ruadh anglicised as Roy); or MacAra (which became Macaree or King), and this can make it difficult to detect genuine MacGregors in the records. Also most clansfolk had been dispersed throughout Scotland from their original homelands, eastward from Glen Strae.

Principal Clan Gregor Families
There were four significant Clan Gregor lineages to be considered here - the families of Glenstrae, Roro, Glengyle and Glencarnaig.

Glenstrae
The Glenstrae line of the Clan Gregor chiefs descending from Ewin the Tutor had become effectively extinct with its last representative being Archibald Graham of Kilmanan, who had possessed a small estate at Craigrostan on the east bank of Loch Lomond at the end of the 17th century. It seems that he took little interest in the leadership of the clan. By 1706 Kilmanan had endowed Rob Roy with the Craigrostan lands, and moved to Ireland. Neither he nor his sons would take any further part in Clan affairs. Kilmanan died in October 1726. [10]

Captain Gregor Murray of Coinneachan listed in the Atholl Brigade in the '45 was of the Glenstrae line, descending from Alasdair Galt. He was born July 3, 1680 and died in 1765. His father, Alexander MacGregor alias Murray , was one of fourteen signatories of Balhaldie's election document of 1714 and stated in that document to be Alexander McGrigor of the family of McGrigor. Alexander died in 1717. Alexander's brother, John McGrigor alias Murray of Mid Fendoch who died in 1731 (GROS 357/10 141 – Fowlis Wester Parish) was also a signatory.


Roro represented by Balhaldie (or Bohaldie)
As a result of attempts under Queen Anne and the new regime of George I to ward off the possibility of a rising in favour of the exiled Stewarts, annual pensions (of up to £360 sterling - perhaps equivalent to the annual rental income of many chiefs) were offered to Highland chiefs in return for their assurance that they would not join the feared rebellion. Such payments were available only to those clans with recognized chiefs which Clan Gregor did not have. Rob Roy and thirteen other leading gentlemen elected Alexander MacGregor or Drummond, of Balhaldie of the Roro family as chief. [11]
Neither the elder Balhaldie, nor his son William, a trusted agent of the exiled King James, were active military men, but they played a prominent role as Jacobite agents and plotters, frequently travelling around Europe. The younger Balhaldie's code name of "Mr Malloch" crops up frequently and he may have been the Prince's sole companion when he travelled to Dunkirk and the abortive French invasion of 1744. Balhaldie's nephew, John of Balnacuick was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the '45, and commandant at Crieff, for which he suffered transportation in the aftermath.

Separately from Balhaldie, the wider Roro kindred had members who were involved in the Rising. They followed the Jacobite William, Duke of Atholl in his Atholl Brigade and were documented in the published "Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families". The officers included Captains Robert MacGregor, alias Murray, of Ardlarich; Lieutenant Malcolm MacGregor of Liaran; Officers Duncan MacGregor of Roro and John of Learagan. All of them from Rannoch and Glen Lyon. Interestingly, while all of these men might be assumed to have called on their sub-tenants and servants to follow them, there are no obvious MacGregors listed among the other ranks of the Atholl Brigade. These men appear to have escaped and avoided any documented retribution.

Glengyle - represented by Rob Roy, his sons and Gregor of Glengyle
Chief in all but name and styled the "Captain of the clan" in the early years of the eighteenth century was Rob Roy MacGregor, (alias Robert Campbell) of the Glengyle family. He was second son of Donald glas, who had been the colonel of the MacGregor contingent in the army of Graham of Claverhouse which fought at Killiecrankie in 1689. Rob Roy's elder brother had died in 1700, leaving Griogar Glundubh aged ten as senior representative of Glengyle. At that time Rob was becoming prosperous in the cattle trade and added to the estate which he had acquired from Kilmanan. He also had been a principal in the purchase (previously they were tenants at will) of the small estate of Glengyle and the building of Glengyle House for his nephew. Later, he was outlawed at the instance of his neighbour, the Duke of Montrose, one of the most powerful politicians in Scotland at the time, who had no compunction at using his position for his personal advantage. In 1718/19 Montrose used Government money to erect a fort with a military garrison at Inversnaid to hold the lands he had secured. This fort will crop up later in this account. Rob led the clan in the '15, sometimes being described as an interested spectator at Sherrifmuir, although I do not want to enter that debate in this paper. In 1719, Rob was "out" again, with a small MacGregor contingent. He returned with his men almost unscathed following the collapse of the '19 Rising - despite many sources stating he had been severely wounded at Glenshiel. According to Ormonde's account "... Finding himself hard-pressed, Lord Seaforth sent for further support. A reinforcement under Rob Roy went to his aid, but before it reached him the greater part of his men had given way, and he himself had been severely wounded." [12] Reading the original somewhat ambiguous text, it is apparent that it was Seaforth who had been wounded when his men had given way, but almost every modern account, repeats the misinterpretation that it was Rob Roy who was wounded. [I have personally corrected the Wikipedia article]

After the death of Rob Roy, the leadership of the Glengyle family passed to his nephew Griogar Glundubh alias James Graham. [13]

Sons of Rob Roy
Rob Roy died in 1734, but his sons took an active part in the '45. Seumas Mor, or James Mor is discussed in the next paragraph. Two other sons were also listed as captains in the muster roll - Ranald (1706-1786) and Robin Oig (1717-1754). Ranald farmed and operated the Inn at the Kirkton of Balquhidder; I found it difficult to ascertain whether he followed Glengyle or Glencarnaig as he sometimes occurred in accounts with the Glencarnaig men. Ranald and James Mor were also listed as Captains with the Duke of Perth, as well as in Glengyle's regiment. Robin Oig had enlisted in the Black Watch and fought at Fontenoy. At the start of the Rising, he, along with a number of others, deserted to the Jacobites. Robin Oig was hanged in 1754, not for desertion or rebellion, but for the abduction of the heiress Jean Key. The "Muster roll" also listed Coll and Duncan, sons of Rob Roy as officers. However, Coll had probably died in 1735 while Duncan is not known to be a son of Rob Roy. [ I believe Walter Scott may have been responsible for Duncan, and the "Muster Roll" perpetuated the error.]

Regarding the Black Watch: in 1726 General Wade had authorised six companies to be raised from clans whose leaders he considered to be loyal to the Hanoverian regime. These companies became known as the Black Watch, possibly due to the dark tartan chosen for their uniforms. In 1738 additional companies were added to raise the Watch to a full regiment numbered the 43rd. They were shipped to the continent, despite the promises made when the men were enlisted of home service only. Although the regiment fought with distinction at Fontenoy, the regime was unwilling to allow them to return to Scotland and so they remained in Kent during the '45 both to guard against a possible French invasion but also so that "there would be 800 rebels fewer in Scotland".. The regiment was renumbered the 42nd in 1749.

James Mor
James Mor, (1695-1754) was depicted by R L Stephenson as the fictional father of "Catriona", and has been used too by Nigel Tranter and other novelists. Murray-Rose claimed he was "Pickle the Spy", a notorious Government agent, although Andrew Lang considered that Pickle was probably Young Glengarry, James Mor has been painted in a bad light by most historians and romantic novelists. He lived at Corriearklet, a close neighbour of Glengyle.

"Prince Charles' friends" wrote regarding James Mor, "In the spring of 1745 officials in Edinburgh got definite intelligence from James Roy Macgregor (son of Rob Roy)— an unhappy man, who had consented to act as a spy upon his Jacobite friends, and the facts supplied by him enabled the Government to take prompt measures, for they immediately issued warrants for the arrest of such chiefs as were noted for their Stuart leanings."

According to the Memorials of Murray of Broughton, pages 160-161, he [Murray] had dictated a letter which McG [James Mor] was asked to deliver to Robert Craigie, Lord Advocate and General Sir John Cope in Edinburgh, advising that although some of the Prince's advisors had landed at Arisaig, the Prince himself was still at St. Omer in France. McG was to suggest that parties of soldiers from Fort Augustus and Fort William should be sent to arrest Lochiel and Glengarry. Murray's purpose was to provide opportunities for the Jacobites to capture these parties in the hope of so weakening the garrisons that they could be more easily assaulted. At the same time McG [James Mor] was asked to advise "those who were the most likely to prevail with their friends to be in readiness when an opportunity should offer to join" [the rising].

James Mor has been reported in secondary sources to be present and one of the first to arrive, when the Standard was raised at Glenfinnan on 19th August with a small party of MacGregors.This is not explicit in Murray's Memorials and may be a misreading of the somewhat convoluted text whereby after instructing James Mor, he [Murray] then went to Glenfinnan.

On 31st August, James Mor and Glengyle, as is mentioned below captured Inversnaid fort, taking 89 prisoners.

A 1753 letter from him is in the Balhaldie papers,and quoted in Amelia, - "To mylord the Marquis of Saint Conte &c, Minister and Secretary of State. [from] "James Drummond or Macgregor, son of Rob Roy MacGregor who distinguished himself in the year 1745.
“That on the arrival of the Prince of Wales in Scotland, he made himself master of the Fort of Inversnaite; That he joined the Prince with 200 Macgregors, who in the absence of their Chief had followed him and joined the Reg. of James Duke of Perth, in which the petitioner served in the Rank of Major; That he had a thigh broken at the Battle of Preston; That having caused himself to be conveyed to the Fort of Inversnait he preserved it at his own charges and expenses, in spite of the repeated efforts of the enemy, till the Battle of Culloden, in which he again had the misfortune to be wounded; That all his goods have been plundered, burned or confiscated; That he would not have come to shelter himself in France but on account of what he did when the Prince was in Scotland and because it was absolutely impracticable for him to remain in Scotland, his Enemies being absolutely in quest of his life, as much for services which he had done the Prince, as in consequence of his refusal of a higher rank in their service."He dares to hope that your Highness will be graciously pleased to put him on the List of the Scots who receive a gratuity from the Court, in regard of his services, his losses, and the deplorable situation in which he now finds himself, and he would not cease to offer his prayers for your Highness's health and prosperity."

James Mor is listed in "Muster Roll" as a Captain in both Glengyle's and Perth's. However, James Mor claimed in his 1753 letter to have been present as a Major and suffered further injury at the Battle of Culloden. This may be corroborated by Young Balhaldie's memorial given below. James Mor therefore appears to have remained with the Duke of Perth and thus would have been present, as a Major, with Perth's regiment, which stood in the second line at Culloden. Glengyle & Glencarnaig's men were not at Culloden, as a result of their late recall from Sutherland. In further support of this, Ronald Black quotes a letter from Nicol MacNicol, brother-in-law of James Mor, which was found in Inverness after Culloden by Campbell of Airds, addressed to Major James McGrigor of the Duke of Perth's regiment. [14]

Glencarnaig.
The Glencarnaig family, ancestors of the present chief, descend from Duncan Ladasach and a lineage occasionally known as "Children of the mist". They used the alias Murray and, earlier in the century had obtained feus of farms in upper Balquhidder from the Marquis of Atholl, to the annoyance of Rob Roy and the Glengyle family. [15]

Robert, the eldest brother who was 'of Glencarnaig', was appointed Lieutenant Colonel in the '45 and led his own contingent. Captain Duncan Murray, the second brother, shot in the foot at Gladsmuir and taking no further part thereafter, was the author of the story of Clan Gregor in Douglas's Baronage of Scotland, which according to a 1989 thesis by Dr Martin MacGregor was 'a work of sustained fiction marred only by the occasional intrusion of fact'. Evan, the third brother, was also appointed Captain, but according to MacPharrie was soon promoted Major and appointed an ADC to the Prince [one of nine in total, listed under Staff in the "Muster Roll"]. Glencarnaig and Evan surrendered themselves in July 1746, and were imprisoned in Edinburgh until 1749.

A Disunited Clan
Despite the large number of people bearing the name MacGregor (or an alias) the position of the leadership made it difficult to raise many men. The divisions between the leading families, their dispersion and prior claim of the landlords on whose estates they lived, and the changes in the Highland economy all contributed to the fragmentation of the clan.

The Duke of Perth (in the Jacobite peerage), chief of the Drummond family, is said to have had at various times two companies of MacGregors in his regiment, although Blackwood's Magazine claimed six companies. As mentioned above, Ranald and James Mor were listed as Captains in both the Duke of Perth's regiment and Glengyle's. Captain Malcolm of Craigruidhe (Balquhidder) who died at Gladsmuir was also in Perth's. Perth's regiment had four MacGregors listed among 'other ranks' - three named John, one of whom was executed and the other two transported, while Donald McGrigor appeared to have escaped retribution. Malcolm of Cornour is reported to have led MacGregors armed with scythe blades on poles from Perth's regiment in support of the beleaguered Glencarnaig's men. Yet Cornour is listed in "Muster Roll" as a Captain with Glengyle's, and does not appear in Perth's - (Taken but discharged). "Prisoners of the '45" stated that Perth had two MacGregor companies, one commanded by Cornour and the other by James Mor.

The "Muster Roll" includes both Glengyle's and Glencarnaig's followers under 'MacGregor's regiment'. Only officers are listed. However, some "other ranks" can be found in "Prisoner's of the '45", and not all were MacGregors or had MacGregor aliases. Nineteen were captured at the skirmish at Ardno on Loch Fyne on 10th November 1745. Of these nine escaped from Dumbarton Castle on 2nd February 1746 - James Cook, Donald Ferguson, John Ferguson, senior and junior, Donald, John and Malcolm McGregor, Duncan McLachlan and Duncan McNeil. Of the remainder, Ensign Mungo Graham, John Livingston, Grigor McGregor, John McLellan, and Ronald McNicol were freed in August 1747. Peter King died in prison. Patrick McGregor alias Murray was tried and acquitted at Carlisle. Captain Malcolm of Cornour who was listed in "Muster Roll" was captured in July 1746, but eventually released. Peter Murray was transported, John Stewart from Balquhidder, "a common man", was captured in July 1746 and released shortly afterwards. "Prisoner's of the '45" summarises this in a table in volume1, indicating that three of Glengyle's were transported, thirteen released, nine escaped, one died in prison, leaving one 'unknown'. [16]

MacGregors also occurred in the "Muster Roll" with other regiments on the Jacobite side. In amongst the many MacKenzies of Cromartie's regiment was a William McGregor of Caithness who was listed as having died after being captured. The John McGregor whom I mentioned above as being captured at Dunrobin and confused in the "Muster Roll" with Glengyle was a private from Caithness in Cromartie's regiment listed among the prisoners taken on a Royal Navy sloop after the defeat at Little Ferry, but not listed in the "Muster Roll" with Cromartie's. Donald MacGregor, the town officer from Coupar-Angus, was listed with 'other ranks' in Ogilvy's regiment. Glengarry's regiment had three MacGregor rankers: - Donald of Dalchuirn, John from Caithness, and Gregor, one of the 'men of Glenmoriston' and a deserter from Loudon's regiment according to "Prisoner's of the '45". Keppoch's regiment listed three 'volunteers', all of whom are said to have later joined Glengyle's, but are not listed under Glengyle's: - Duncan of West Drumlich, John of Monachyl and Patrick of East Drumlich, all Balquhidder.

Monaltrie's Deeside regiment is said to have included 24 MacGregors led by Captain McGregor of Inverenzie who was killed along with most of his followers at Culloden. However, Monaltrie's 'other ranks' only include those who were captured at Culloden, with just one MacGregor listed - Ensign Duncan McGregor from Tarland who was transported.

The Muster
There was a meeting at the Kirkton of Balquhidder on August 30th 1745. According to MacPharrie; Glengyle, Glencarnaig, Stewart of Glenbuckie and Buchanan of Arnprior met with the Duke of Perth to arrange a muster on the 8th September. On that day, MacPharrie reported, Glencarnaig and his two brothers with eight followers mustered at noon, and at 3pm, Glenbuckie arrived with 40 Stewarts and Ranald with a further 40 MacGregors. This group of a little under 100 marched for Callander. At Kilmahog, Arnprior joined them with just one follower. When they reached Leny House, Glenbuckie accepted Arnprior's hospitality for the night while the MacGregors stayed at Callander. Glenbuckie apparently shot himself during the night and his men took his body home and took no further part in the rising.

Near the end of August, Glengyle and James Mor had assaulted and captured Inversnaid fort. They left a garrison of their own there. On the 31st, according to Argyll's lawyer, Glengyle apprehended 40 Scots Fusiliers engaged on building the new road along the west bank of Loch Lomond. James Mor and his brother Ranald joined Glencarnaig at Callander with a further 40 men and 45 prisoners from the Inversnaid garrison.

MacPharrie went on to state that Glencarnaig and James Mor marched through Glenartnay to Comrie and on to Crieff. There they met the Duke of Perth and 300 men. Then Ranald joined them - (it is not stated where Ranald went in the meantime or why they separated). As part of Perth's regiment, they joined the main Jacobite force at Glenalmond and spent the night at Dunblane. The Prince, Lochiel and Glencarnaig stayed with Balhaldie at his house in Dunblane. {Presumably Alexander, the elder Balhaldie who by then was in his eighties and died in 1749, as William, "Mr Malloch", probably did not come to Scotland in the '45) Throughout this account, though the brothers Ranald and James Mor are mentioned, Glengyle himself is not - it is possible that he remained at Inversnaid and evidence in the Montrose papers suggest that he had been attempting to raise more recruits.

Gregor Murray or MacGregor of Coinneachan in Glen Almond, as a tenant of the Duke of Atholl, was conflicted between the demands of the Hanoverian Duke James and the Jacobite Duke William. According to letters in the "Chronicles of Atholl and Tullibardine, volume 3":, Duke James, ordered him to raise the Glen Almond men on 22nd August , and join General Cope at Dalnacardoch. When Cope refused to provide subsistence pay for him and his men, he returned home with them. On 2nd September Duke William ordered him to raise Glen Almond for the Jacobites with further commands following; on 7th February Duke William ordered him to bring 50 well-armed men to join the Atholl Brigade. As the Jacobite army retreated, Duke James ordered Gregor to be arrested on 23rd February and committed to the prison of Dunkeld. In a letter, Gregor claimed that he had made "only a shew to avoid Devastations and other mischiefs that our country was threatened with" on each occasion he had been forced out, but then took his men home. Gregor was released and retained his tenancy after the Rising.

  sergeant of the black watch
Stirling
When the army passed by Stirling castle, MacPharrie states that the MacGregors marched under their own colours. At the time Amelia was writing, (1901) she said that these colours were preserved at Edinchip House. MacPharrie reported that James Mor Campbell in the castle, recognizing the colours, had fired a cannon specifically at them but without causing any injury. This James Mor Campbell is later mentioned by MacPharrie as a leader of the militia which devastated Balquhidder after the rising.

That night the army camped at Bannockburn. The Prince spent the night with Sir Hugh Paterson and Glencarnaig's men were on guard duty. Sir Hugh's great-niece was Clementina Walkinshaw. It is possible that she met the Prince for the first time then. Later, she became his mistress in a stormy liaison, until he deserted her in 1760. She was the mother of his daughter Charlotte, later Duchess of Albany.

MacPharrie claimed that Evan with 40 men, captured 20 guns and 15 broadswords at a house near Falkirk, and then, with some of the MacDonalds found a hundred stand of muskets at Linlithgow which had been provided for the local militia. More were captured at Bo'ness. There is no independent evidence of Evan being responsible for this.

Edinburgh
MacPharrie states that Glencarnaig and Stewart of Ardsheal joined their forces into a single unit. By the time they camped at the Boroughmuir, outside Edinburgh, he stated that they had 200 MacGregors and 70 Appin Stewarts. The Clan Cameron website suggests this number may be exaggerated and estimated that Ardsheal's total strength was just 200. [17]
Indeed if there was such a disparity in numbers the regiment would probably have been called "MacGregor's" not "Ardsheal's'". As other accounts of the entry to Edinburgh and the Battle of Prestonpans refer to Ardsheal's regiment, I suspect that there were fewer MacGregors than Stewarts. The numbers in the "Muster" paragraph, above, total 88, but some may have been lost by desertion.

Who captured the Netherbow Port?
It was asserted by Amelia that MacPharrie claimed that Evan was responsible for the virtually unopposed entry of the Jacobite army into Edinburgh by the Netherbow Port, and this was referenced in Browne's "Highland Clans". Chamber's 19th century "History of the Rising of 1745" probably using MacPharrie as a source, stated that the Camerons captured the Netherbow port, and that Captain Evan was first through the gate.

However, MacPharrie does not actually claim this. His exact words are: - "About one o'clock we got orders to march, being the 17th September, we came in at the Netherbow port, the MacGregors had the route, and Glencarnock, Ardsheal, Captain Evan and Captain William Stewart, they did this and all the Highland army followed; this happened about the dawning of the day, straight to the City Guard, and apprehended the Guard and took all their arms; then we planted a Guard upon the West Port and the Weigh house."

To state the "MacGregors had the route" indicates to me that Ardsheal's regiment, which included the MacGregors, may have led the advance to the city, but does not claim that the MacGregors generally or Evan in particular, were the first through the Netherbow port.

Lockhart Papers Volume 2 page 488 reads: “His R.H. ordered a detachment of 900 men under cloud of night to storm the town, accordingly, Locheill, Keppoch and Ardsheal with some of the best armed of their severall commands, together with Mr O’Sullivan silently marched up to the city gate at the Netherbow, and about break of day boldly forced their way, there being no resistance made by the small guard at the port, so there was no bloodshed.” So if Ardsheal's were part of the leading group, the MacGregors would have been with them. This is not inconsistent with claims that Locheil himself was the first through.

"The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745, p. 86, by John Home, Esq. (London: 1802.) states "The coach brought them back to Edinburgh, set them down in the High-Street, and then drove towards the Canongate. When the Nether Bow port was opened to let out the coach, 800 Highlanders, led by Cameron of Locheil, rushed in and took possession of the city"
Does this statement of Home's mean that Lochiel himself was first through the gate or that some of the men he led were first through?

Alexander Stewart, provost of Edinburgh, was tried in 1747 for dereliction of duty, in allowing the rebels to take Edinburgh. Among the witnesses, Alexander Corsar, one of the soldiers of the city-guard of Edinburgh, appears to be the best evidence for Lochiel being first through the gate. He stated that Lochiel gripped his arm. Although this does not precisely state that Lochiel was first through the gate. There is no mention in the trial evidence of Evan. Full text is in the notes. [18]
On balance, it appears that the claim that Evan was first through the Netherbow Port does not stand up to scrutiny.

MacPharrie goes on to state that Captain Evan discovered 700 stand of arms, intended for the defence of the town. (Out of a total 1000 stand of muskets intended for the disbanded Edinburgh militia reported in other sources to have been found by the Jacobites). There is no independent corroboration that it was Evan who discovered the weapons, but MacPharrie stated that, as a result Evan, was promoted and made an ADC to the Prince. Evan is listed with the Staff in "The Muster Roll" as a Major and ADC with eight other officers. (The supporting reference in the "Muster Roll" is to 'British Museum, Additional Papers', but this source cannot be identified, and possibly has been taken from MacPharrie) [19]
However his actual documented promotion to Major was dated 29th October, not the 18th or 22nd September after the battle. In his account of Gladsmuir, Evan was twice referred to as Captain, despite MacPharrie implying that Evan had been promoted by the Prince beforehand.

Gladsmuir
At Prestonpans, (known as Gladsmuir by the Jacobites) most of the clan, - including Ranald with Glencarnaig's followers - appeared to have been with the Stewarts of Appin commanded by Ardsheal. While MacPharrie claims 200, the number may have been less. A further 40, with Malcolm of Cornour and James Mor were with Perth's regiment to their right in the line. MacPharrie states "The MacDonalds got the right hand, the Duke of Perth got next, the MacGregors next, the Stewarts next, the Camerons next," According to J M Hill, the first line of the Jacobite army comprised Clan Donald regiments on the right, Perth's regiment, the Appin Stewarts and Camerons on the left. The MacGregors may have been placed on the right of Ardsheal's next to Perth's and his MacGregors. [20]

MacGregor despite them   A report by Andrew Lumisden in Origins of the '45, [See Note 27] stated - "The left wing at Preston Pans commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, and two companies of MacGregors. The second line commanded by Lord Nairne, consisted of Athole-men, Robertsons of Strouan, Maclauchlans and the Duke of Perth's men.". This account by an eye-witness of the battle, related that during the army's deployment around the morass, a considerable interval had developed in the Centre which the second line was ordered to fill -This would place Cornour's men in Perth's own regiment nearer to the MacGregors in the front line.

During the battle the MacGregors and Stewarts in Ardsheal's formation engaged Lascelles' 47th regiment. The Perth regiment which was now alongside in the front line, did not attack, allowing some of Cope's men around the flank of Ardsheal's. Cornour and his men, stated MacPharrie, who were mainly armed with scythe blades on poles, left the rest of Perth's regiment and went to the assistance of their kinsmen in the action. James Mor also called for assistance from a MacDonald formation to the right of Perth's. Thus MacPharrie has not been contradicted by other accounts.

Following the short battle, James Mor had suffered a broken leg, Malcolm of Craigruidhe was severely injured (and died later), Glencarnaig's brother Duncan had been shot in the foot, and twenty one others had been injured in the action. MacPharrie stated that the Clan Gregor were specially honoured by the Prince for their part in the brief battle, which Lumisden reported lasted only seven or eight minutes.

Amelia writes "in the narrative by Duncan MacPharrie it has been related that he brilliantly distinguished himself at the Battle of Preston Pans, after which Prince Charles made him his Aide-de-camp and he became Major in the Corps." In fact, MacPharrie does not state this. The only actual references by MacPharrie to Evan's involvement at Gladsmuir were firstly firing an eight foot long gun the previous night, killing one of Cope's men at a distance, and secondly distributing bottles of rum the night before, with the remnants being given to Ardsheal's men. MacPharrie's account should not be traduced for Amelia's hyperbole in the 1890s! [21]

MacPharrie stated "The Prince came and took Glencarnock in his arms, and Captain Evan, and told them to gather the whole Clan MacGregor upon the middle of the Field of Battle. There was a table covered and the MacGregors guarding him at dinner, every man got a glass of wine and a little bread. Your Father and Uncle sat down with him, the rest of the Chieftains took it amiss that the MacGregors got this honour, but it was dear bought by the mishap that had occurred "
Did this indicate special treatment for a few MacGregors? I don't believe so. The victorious Jacobites were able to loot Cope's baggage train, so food and, no doubt, alcohol would be available. Dawn on 17th September would be about 5.45 and the battle lasted only a few minutes. The Prince remained on the field until after mid-day, depending on which report is believed, before retiring to Pinkie House where he spent the night. As the Jacobite strength was only around 2400 men, it would be quite reasonable to assume that HRH would have time to visit and congratulate each of his commanders and their regiments during the hours between the dawn battle and leaving the field in the mid to late afternoon. As the MacGregors appear to have suffered more casualties than most, perhaps they deserved a little more honour - MacPharrie said they had suffered twenty three injured, and that was out of fifty Jacobites in total reported to have been injured.

The Lockhart papers, page 493 has. "In the afternoon having taken a short repast of Cope’s provisions on the field, His R.H. marched back to Musleburgh at night, leaving the Laird of McLaughlen and some other gentlemen to take care of the wounded prisoners and the baggage and to get the dead buried. He himself lay at Pinky all night." None of the other accounts mention special treatment for the MacGregors, but I suspect that HRH's repast in the field would have included many of his officers, including the MacGregors.

In the way of Highland armies there was a severe diminution in the Jacobite ranks after Gladsmuir, as booty was taken home, and considerable effort was put into recovering the lost men and raising additional forces before the march into England about six weeks later.

Establishing the command, or not.
MacPharrie then stated that Glengyle joined them in Edinburgh with additional followers. Before the Jacobite army advanced into England, Glengyle and Glencarnaig had a meeting to decide the overall command and disposition of posts in an united regiment. It was stated that Glencarnaig had 13 more men than Glengyle, but Glencarnaig conceded the titular Colonelcy to Glengyle, with himself as Lieutenant-Colonel. At this meeting it was also agreed that Evan should be Major, and the other officers divided equally. Thus, Evan's promotion, dated 29th October, which was some six weeks after the entry to Edinburgh and Prestonpans could have been simply a clerical delay, but it seems more likely that Evan's promotion was not connected with those events and not an honour from Prince Charles. The brief account of MacPharrie appears to indicate a real struggle for supremacy between Glengyle and Glencarnaig.

England
Glencarnaig and his men went with the army into England, leaving Edinburgh on 31st October. MacPharrie dispensed with this in just two sentences. "Glencarnock and Major Evan MacGregor went with the army to England in the beginning of November, straight to Kelso and by Jedburgh and straight to Carlisle. This fortress yielded at the very first, I shall drop the English road for I have forgot their names, only we went to Derby and returned, but we killed about 120 dragoons and Light Horse". There appeared to be no specific reference to Glencarnaig's men during the march to Derby and the return. However, other accounts did mention that the MacGregors participated in the skirmish at Clifton.

Glengyles activity - recruiting - Ardno.
Murray of Broughton reported (Memorials, page 230) "Mcgregor of Glengyle was appointed governor of Down Castle, being judged the fittest man in the Country to keep that garrison [i.e.: Stirling Castle] in awe and to prevent their making excursions into the Country to disturb the famillies of such who were in arms, and to be sure it was impossible for any to have made a better Choise."
Murray of Broughton went on to remark, in a note "Glengyle, now the oldest branch of the familly Mcgriger, in person a tall hansome man and more of the mein of the antient heroes than our modern gentlemen, possest of a Singular deal of humanity and good nature, honest and disinterrested to a Proverb, extreamly modest, brave and intrepide, and born one of the best Partizans in Europe, in that the whole people of that Country declared that never did people live under so milde a Government as Glengyles, not a man having so much as lost a Chicken whille he continued there."

Glengyle had a garrison of 60 of his own men and a further 70 under Ludovic Cameron under his command. His remit was to watch the garrison at Stirling and to raise additional men. There is no actual account of Glengyle's activities from October 18 to January 16, but it is possible to put together a scenario from various sources. On the 15th October Murray of Broughton signed Glengyle's commission as Colonel and Governor of Doune, Cardross and Balinton. There is a letter from Lord Strathallan dated the 16th warning of Government spies masquerading in Highland dress and wearing white cockades. On the 18th he received a letter from Henry Kerr at Alloa advising him to place guards over the fords over the forth and to keep watch on the activities at Stirling Castle. [22]

Raising and Losing recruits
There are documents in the Graham papers at the Scottish Record Office which attested to Glengyle's activities in raising recruits from MacGregors living on the Graham estates in Buchanan parish on the east bank of Loch Lomond. These documents comprise sworn statements taken after the rising from various tenants of the Montrose estate who were suspected of involvement. The Duke of Montrose attempted to claim compensation from the Government for loss of rental income from his tenants who had been subject to comprehensive reprisals by the Hanoverian army. Clearly these people would stress their unwillingness to serve, the coercion used against them and their eagerness to desert at the first opportunity. However, it does seem that Glengyle, like many of the Jacobite leaders, had considerable difficulties in raising men and in keeping them. [23]

On 31st August Glengyle had led a party in boats across Loch Lomond and surprised parties of Scots Fusiliers who were working on the military road. Forty were taken back as prisoners to the Inversnaid fort and then to Doune.

On the 28th September, Glengyle with an unstated, but considerable force of MacGregors accompanied Lord Elcho and Mr James Hay to Glasgow to levy a public contribution of money and clothing on the town. Campbell of Mamore claimed Glengyle was 'menacing Glasgow with part of his clan in the town and suburbs'.

On 16th October, according to a report by Campbell of Mamore, Glengyle 'was a madman with 50 men plundering the country and raising contributions for six weeks past in and about Dumbartonshire'.

On November 4th, Glengyle led a force estimated at 121 into the "Cantyres" - the Cowal peninsula in Argyll. He had planned to reach Castle Lachlan where he had hoped to bring out Campbell of Auchinbreck for the Jacobites and raise recruits among the men of Cowal. Instead, - as Ronald Black, in "The Campbells of the Ark" related from an account written by Donald Campbell of Airds - having been frustrated in his plans, Glengyle's men were attacked while returning at Ardno on Loch Fyne opposite Dunderave, on 10th November by General John Campbell of Mamore with two of Loudoun's companies and Ardkinglas's company of the Argyll militia. After an initial exchange of fire, Glengyle's men took to the hills. One of the militia was killed and two wounded. Eighteen of Glengyle's men were captured, and it was later reported that Glengyle had buried two and carried off seven wounded. Following this debacle, some of his men, according to their own accounts in the Montrose papers, deserted. The captives were imprisoned at Dumbarton, from where nine escaped on 2nd February 1746. Shortly after his defeat at Ardno, Glengyle tried to encourage Barisdale who had 700 men in upper Glen Orchy to divert in order to attack Inveraray, as there were few militia present to defend the town. [24]

There is a story given on page 493, which may or may not be true, in a note to page 376 of Amelia Vol II, concerning "Thomas Cadell, pistol-maker of Doune who suggested to Glengyle that he should quarter his men on those householders of Doune who had no affection for the Stewart cause. Glengyle thanked him cordially and thereafter sent one of his junior officers with a small party to quarter themselves in Master Cadell's household. When Cadell returned to remonstrate with him, Glengyle reminded him of his advice and added that he was willing to try how his own friends might like the experiment before he should extend it to others." The note continues - "Glengyle was subject to a variety of spirits, but during the time he commanded in Mentieth he conducted himself with such propriety that his name has been always minded with respect by the gentlemen of that district, although of different political principles."

It seems that Doune was not ideally suited to be a prison, as a number of prisoners succeeded in escaping from it. On the 31st January, seven prisoners made their escape from Doune Castle. Among them was the Rev John Witherspoon, who, thirty years later, would be a signatory of the American Declaration of Independence. [25]

Inversnaid destroyed
At some time between joining the army before the battle of Falkirk and the retreat into the Highlands Glengyle destroyed the little fort of Inversnaid. James Mor, recuperating from the injuries sustained at Gladsmuir had remained there as commander. Perhaps it had been more comfortable than his farm at Corriearklet 3 miles away.

On January 9th John Murray at Bannockburn, sent instructions to Glengyle at Doune to send "what troops you can spare from your garrison as the enemy had sent a considerable body of troops aboard the sloops now seen in the river, to seize the cannon at Alloa" - "You are likewise desired to take care of apprehending deserters who may pass the fords".

Falkirk.
On their return from England in January 1746, MacPharrie stated that he was sent from Kilsyth to Balquhidder and returned with Glencarnaig's wife and 17 recruits. Glengyle and Glencarnaig joined forces again at Cambusbarron near Stirling on January 16th. Glengyle had increased his force by recruitment. MacPharrie says - "Glengile and Mac Kinnon joined our Corps that night and we made a grand appearance".

James Campbell of Black Watch at Fontenoy   MacPharrie stated that they were stationed on the extreme right of the first line of the army with the Clan Donald regiments.- He wrote : "With pipers playing and colours flying the MacGregors moved, on the advance Guard, but the Light Horse was before us, the MacDonalds next. We marched on till we came to the Water of Lairburn, there we spied at the west end of Falkirk, the English troops advancing up the hill, we crossed the water and up the hill, and we got orders to have the right hand of the Prince's army and the MacDorialds upon the left. When we came to the top of the hill, we halted, Munro's dragoons were upon the King's left opposite to the MacGregors, we advanced from both sides, the King's army fired first, we fired next, and we brought down 135 with the first fire we gave them, then gave a loud huzza and put them to flight. 500 of the Glasgow Militia were hacked down. "

Most accounts including John Home's, placed the four Clan Donald regiments in their traditional place on the right of the Jacobite line without mentioning the MacGregors at all. However, MacPharrie clearly stated that they had faced the dragoons on the left of the Hanoverian front line. The dragoons were put to flight by volleys of musket fire, and in their flight did considerable damage to the regular infantry battalions behind them and the 500-strong Glasgow militia, whom they rode through.

MacPharrie asserted that they participated with the MacDonalds in the pursuit of the broken militia on the right and did not lose a single man. MacPharrie's statement does not agree with accounts, including Hawley's report to Cumberland, which has the Mackinnon and MacGregor forces as part of the 900 strong Cameron regiment on the left of the Jacobite line. The left suffered losses due to the three overlapping Hanoverian regiments - Ligonier's, Price's and Barrel's - which did not break when the Royals did and fired on the flank of the advancing Jacobites in their pursuit of the centre. The two accounts are quite clearly contradictory.

Was it possible for companies of MacGregors to be positioned on the right with Clan Donald but also on the left with the Camerons? MacPharrie claimed the MacGregors were stationed with the Clan Donald regiments, while if other accounts are to be believed, at least Glengyle had arrived on the battlefield with Ludovic Cameron and they had formed part of the 450 reinforcements received by Lochiel and were therefore positioned on the left. It would be difficult to accept this, if MacPharrie was the only source.

John Home reported that the Atholl brigade which was in the second line of the Jacobite army "marched up to the first line and joined the MacDonalds of Keppoch", [26]
if so perhaps some of the MacGregors with the Atholl brigade may have joined the MacDonalds in the heat of battle?

However, as has been discussed. James Mor had remained with Perth’s regiment and as Perth’s were on the left of the Jacobite line, this might account for Hawley’s report.

[In the extract below from Young Balhaldie's memorial, he claimed that Glengyle and Glencarnaig were with Keppoch, while James Mor's men were with Perth's regiment.

In Young Balhaldie's memorial to Counsel in 1799, published in Amelia, volume II, chapter 32, another account of the disposition of the MacGregors in the '45 is made:
"William did not come over to Scotland in 1745 to put himself at the head of his Clan which led uninformed people to consider Glengylle as chief, but the Memorialist cannot find that his competitors ancestor was ever regarded as such. In the absence of their Chief the MacGregors ranged themselves under different heads The principal part rose with Glengylle, Glencarnoch levied the next body and James MacGregor Rob Roy's son raised a third. Glengylle marched into Argyllshire to facilitate the junction of MacLauchlan and his Clan but when GlenGylle joined the army he bore the title of Colonel, Glencarnoch that of Lieutenant Colonel and James Roy MacGregor that of Major: and none of them had written commissions so far as the Memorialist can learn. They did not even fight as a separate body, Glencarnoch fell in with the Keppoch's Regiment of MacDonalds and James MacGregor who went by the name of Drummond fell in with the Duke of Perth's Regiment as did Glengylle with Keppoch's, after he joined according to a sketch or lye draft which is given in the Scots Magazine of the order of Battle both of Falkirk and Culloden; There is no mention of the MacGregors as a separate body and although it is said in the Magazine that one body of the MacGregors with Glencarnoch and the rest of the MacGregors with the Duke of Perth's men under James Drummond were in the left wing of the Highland Army at the Battle of Preston it may still be doubted if a scheme of the Battle had been given, whether we should have seen the MacGregors drawn up as a separate body of men."

A quick reading of the above might suggest that Glengyle and Glencarnaig's men were at Culloden, although they were not. However, here and in the 1753 letter from Dunkirk it is more explicit that James Mor was ranked as Major in Perth's and was therefore present at Culloden. It may be further evidence of the presence of the MacGregors (at least Glengyle's and Glencarnaig's) with Keppoch's regiment at Falkirk.

Andrew Lumisden's eyewitness report of Falkirk concurs with MacPharrie and Young Balhaldie. [27]
- "The right wing, commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of the Macgregors, Macdonalds of Keppoch, Clanronald, Glengary and Glenco, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons. The left commanded by Lord John Drummond, consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, Macphersons of Cluny, Frazers of Lovat and Macleods of Raza and Bernera.". The account continues, - concerning the right (easternmost) wing of the Jacobite army "The dragoons .... advanced on a full trot, in order to break us; but the Macgregors and the Macdonalds, keeping their fire till they were within pistol shot, received them so briskly, that they were immediately broken, and thrown into the utmost confusion. MacPharrie goes on to state "Colonel MacGregor and Colonel MacDonald and MacKinnon were invited next day to breakfast and thanked for their behaviour".

Most commentators agree that Falkirk was a chaotic battle in dreadful weather and the commanders on either side had little idea of what was actually happening to their troops.

Retreat to Inverness
Following the battle the fruitless siege of Stirling Castle lasted for 15 days, although MacPharrie states that they were not involved. When Cumberland's army approached, the Jacobites retreated by Doune and Dunblane. MacPharrie goes on to mention that he and Ranald were sent to Balquhidder to round up some of their men who had returned home with booty after Falkirk. Thereafter they proceeded by Killin along the North of Loch Tay to Taymouth and joined the rest of the army at Coshieville, West of Aberfeldy. Then North by Tummel bridge, Dalnacardoch and Garvamore to Inverness. Lord Loudoun who had held the town with part of his regiment and various Highland militia companies immediately retreated to Ross.

MacPharrie wrote "We halted at Inverness till the Prince came round the Seashore, by Montrose, Inverurie &c. Against that day eight days they arrived with a very good army. Most other accounts, stated that the Prince was with the force which travelled the same route as MacPharrie and the Clan Gregor, by Dalnacardoch and Garvamore. The contemporary Scots Magazine for 1746, on page 89, reported on the rebels "...there were 800 of them seen at Ruthven, with the Pretender's son, when they blew up the Barracks and then proceeded to Inverness". It does appear that the Jacobite army was quite widely dispersed during the retreat to Inverness. MacPharrie can only tell us that the MacGregors probably did not accompany the Prince and his staff.

Indeed, further evidence for Prince Charles travelling by the Highland route rather than the coast was Lord Loudoun's attempt to capture him when he spent the night at Moy Hall on February 16th, but Lady Macintosh's blacksmith and four men succeeded in panicking Loudouns' Highland companies totalling 1400 men, into a headlong rout back to Inverness. [The Laird of MacLeod's piper Donald Ban MacCrimmon is said to have had a premonition of his own death and had composed a piobaireachd Cha till Mac Cruimein - "MacCrimmon Will Never Return". He was the only man to die in the "Rout of Moy".]

February to April 1746
Between February 17th and mid April, contingents of the Jacobite army ranged all round the Highlands, from Atholl to Sutherland and from Inverurie to Fort William. Fort Augustus, at Kilcumein, was taken and destroyed. Fort William, formerly Inverlochy laid under siege. Duke William of Atholl fruitlessly besieged his own castle of Blair while preventing Hanoverian troops penetrating the Pass of Killiecrankie. Throughout this period the Jacobite commanders argued strategy amongst themselves, while the army foraged desperately for food.

The MacGregors were detailed along with Barisdale under the command of Lord Cromartie to pursue Lord Loudoun's forces. On March 20th, with the Duke of Perth in command, they crossed the Dornoch Firth under cover of sea mist, using boats gathered from the Moray coast, despite the Royal Navy sloops assiduously patrolling the coast, while Loudoun's militia held the passes between Ross and Sutherland. MacPharrie claimed that Major Evan took the lead in the capture of Dornoch and one of Loudoun's companies. Although the Laird of Macintosh was captured, the real prizes - Lord Loudoun, Duncan Forbes, the Earl of Sutherland and the Lairds of Macleod and MacDonald all escaped. This is true, but there is no supporting evidence that Evan took the lead here - maybe he did, probably not.

MacPharrie stated that their men captured four small provision ships at Little Ferry, on the Fleet south of Golspie, and subsequently lived aboard - he mentions that the Colonel (Glencarnaig) was on one and Major Evan on the other. Other reports mention only two small ships, which had been prevented by adverse winds from leaving their anchorage, laden with provisions for Loudon's Highland companies.


  James Campbell of Black Watch at Fontenoy
The Earl of Perth withdrew, leaving around one thousand in Sutherland, including the MacGregors, Cromartie's, Mackinnon's and Barisdale's regiments. During a three week long occupation they attempted to raise the "publick money" and provisions. A fruitless attempt was made to recover the supplies and money aboard Le Prince Charles which had been forced aground at Tongue by the frigate Sheerness and captured by Lord Reay's militia. Fear of the Earl of Sutherland, meant few recruits and little money or food were gathered.

For my paper on the Jacobite Rising in Sutherland - March 20th to April 14 1746 see clan gregor in sutherland.

The Earl of Sutherland's militia had not been defeated and on the 15th April, after the recall of the Jacobite northern force, the Sutherland militia attacked Cromartie's regiment between Dunrobin and Little Ferry, killing or capturing most of them.

By that time, Barisdale's and MacGregor's were already on their way to Dornoch. They reached Kessock on the afternoon of the 16th by which time Culloden had already been fought and lost. Lord Elcho states (page 422) "the Macgregors 300 and Barasdales 400, only came to the Ferry opposite to Inverness two hours after the Battle ..... Lord Cromartys regiment 300 men were attackt'd on the 15 at Golspie in Sutherlandshire by the Earl of Sutherland's men, a great many of them were kill'd and the rest taken prisoner".

At no time after Falkirk does MacPharrie mention Glengyle, however, the Scots Magazine for April 1746, page 190, stated that among the rebel commanders in Sutherland under Lord Cromartie, and not captured, were Glengyle, Glencarnaig and Barisdale. [28]

Culloden
MacPharrie did not mention any MacGregors present at Culloden. It is known that there were an estimated 24 MacGregors from Deeside, led by Inverey, with Francis Farquharson of Monaltrie, of whom only six returned to their homes. As mentioned above, Major James Mor, with his company of MacGregors were also at Culloden, in the second line with Perth's regiment.

The Return to Balquhidder
MacPharrie stated that they marched along the North side of the Ness, shadowed by dragoons on the South side. That night they were at Lovat's Dounie Castle and the next night at Lochgarry's house, where they parted from Barisdale and Dr Cameron. The next morning they met up with the Duke of Perth at Ruthven in Badenoch who instructed them to disperse. [James Mor would probably have rejoined his brothers at Ruthven] They marched on to Rannoch, "with colours flying", said MacPharrie, through Glenlyon and past the Campbell militia in Finlarig castle. They may have been the last Jacobite formation in arms. Finally they reached Balquhidder and dispersed.

A sentence in the "Scots Magazine" for April 1746, page 194, has "On the 23rd April, Glengyle with about 120 men well armed, in their retreat from Sutherland, were seen near Finlarig, at the West end of Loch Tay, on their way home to Balquhidder".

Also in the Scots Magazine, for June 1746, page 288, "About the end of May, Glengyle, with a party of MacGregors were in the hill between Crief and Dunkeld; and 'tis said, attempted to levy the publick money. But they were obliged to make off upon Brig. Mordaunt's detaching 300 men from Perth in quest of them. On the 7th June, a body of 700 men entered Balquhidder and proceeded to the braes of Monteith. But not finding Glengyle and his party, they burnt his house, and all the houses in Craigroystan possessed by the Macgregors, and carried the cattle to Crief."

The Aftermath.
Ronald Black in "Campbells of the Ark, vol ii, page 271" quoted Campbell of Stronslaney, - who reported that on 21 May rebels were hiding in the hills around Balquhidder. He named the leaders as Glengyle; Glencarnaig; Evan his brother; Rob Roy's three sons - Ronald. James and Robert; Glenbuckie's sons - John and David Stewart; Donald MacLaren and others. Over the course of the summer, the people of Balquhidder were surrounded, tracked down and starved out. [29]
The Duke of Montrose complained in June that regular troops were burning destroying and plundering his innocent tenants along with the guilty along the east bank of Loch Lomond towards Aberfoyle, driving all of their livestock away to the markets at Crieff. Indeed the evidence in the Graham papers exists because the Duke of Montrose demanded compensation for the destruction meted out upon his tenants.
An account of the property destroyed and a list of the MacGregors on the Montrose estate in Buchanan Parish are in my paper - macgregors named in the 45.

Glengyle House was burned on June 7th and Glencarnaig's house was also burned. Glengyle, Glencarnaig and Balhaldie were all excepted from the Act of Indemnity. (This was a blanket "pardon" to everyone concerned except those specifically mentioned in the Act.) Robert of Glencarnaig and Evan went to Inveraray in July to surrender themselves. Campbell of Mamore treated them humanely and they were permitted to give their parole and reside in Inveraray. [30]

Throughout the Highlands and beyond, whereever there was a suspicion of support for the Jacobites, retribution by the Hanoverian regime was brutal and indiscriminate. Prominent Scots such as Duncan Forbes of Culloden and the Duke of Argyll, among others, who had been strongly against the Rising, were appalled by the behaviour of Cumberland and his army, but largely failed to speak out against it. See here for my extract from the account in James Browne's Highland Clans, volume III,.

Robert of Glencarnaig was finally released from prison in Edinburgh Castle in October 1749, with his estate bankrupted, he died in 1758. Glengyle appears neither to have been captured nor surrendered. By 1756, he and John, his son, had been able to rebuild their house which still stands at the head of Loch Katrine. Glengyle's piper was transported. James Mor escaped from Edinburgh castle after his trial for complicity in Robin Oig's abduction of Jean Key. He escaped to France and died in poverty at Dunkirk in 1754. None of Glengyle's sons appear to have been involved. John had been imprisoned beforehand as previously mentioned, although Black quoted reports stating that John. not Gregor had been Governor of Doune. I suspect that is incorrect as John had been made legal owner of the Glengyle in 1741 and the estate was not forfeited as a result of the Rising. Robert the second son, who farmed at Stronachlachar on Loch Katrine, claimed in the Montrose papers to have been "in no ways involved". Glengyle's younger sons, James and Donald, both of whom were seamen, are not mentioned at all.

Conclusion.
So can MacPharrie's evidence be relied on? I believe that MacPharrie's account of the MacGregor role in the Rising was broadly accurate except that he made claims about Evan in particular for which support is unobtainable and might not be true. The "eyewitness" report by Lumisden, in "Origins of the '45" has been most valuable in confirming MacPharrie's account of the position of the Clan Gregor at Gladsmuir and Falkirk. Other than that, MacPharrie used ambiguous language which has been misinterpreted by many, including Amelia regarding her ancestor in "The History of Clan Gregor", particularly in respect of the first man through the Netherbow Port, the uncovering of caches of militia weapons, and the promotion of Evan to Major and ADC. It is uncertain whether or not Evan did become an ADC to the Prince as this is only recorded in secondary sources which may have relied on MacPharrie. It is likely that MacPharrie's 1788 account, in exaggerating Evan's role, may have been intended to convince many MacGregors of the suitability of Evan's son John to be chief of Clan Gregor.

Retribution and Wider Consequences
Following the defeat of the Rising, Parliament in westminster enacted legislation aimed at removing the threat of further Jacobite insurrections, by striking at the clan system and in particular the power of the Chiefs. See my page on the Abolition of the Heritable Jurisdictions and the Dress Act.


NOTES

[1] MacPharrie's account is in Amelia Vol II p365 to p375 - here and the full texts follows below:-

"The Duke of Perth, Glencarnock, Glengyle, Glenbuckie and Arnprior, [Francis Buchanan afterwards attainted and executed 11th Oct. 1746.] had a meeting in the Kirkton of Balquhidder upon the 30th August, and the resolution of this Council of War was to raise their men with all expedition against that day eight days and join in one column at the foresaid place, and to march in a body to Callander.

"According to promise Glencarnock, Duncan and Evan, his two oldest brothers and eight of our good men came to the place appointed at 2 o’clock. Glencarnock raised the MacGregor Standard, and none of the rest of the gentlemen appeared yet, about 3 o'clock came Steuart of Glenbuckie and forty men, and as Arnprior was before them, MacGregor of Glencarnock and Steuart of Glenbuckie and Ronald MacGregor from Kirktown with forty men marched straight for Callander so that they would get Arnprior to join them at Callander. Arnprior met us at Kilmahog, no more with him but a single man. He invited Glencarnock and Glenbuckie up to Leny House that night; Glencarnock said that he and his men would be together at Callander, Glenbuckie went with him (Arnprior) to Leny that night, and shot himself before the morning. This made a confusion amongst us, such a thing happening so early. The Stewarts got him coffined, set off with him on their shoulders and got him tombed that night, and they never joined us more.

"James Mor MacGregor, as Captain, joined Glencarnock at Callander with forty men from Glengyle, and forty five Soldiers that Glengyle apprehended at the roads on Loch Lomond side, and he took the garrison of Inversnaid and demolished it.

Glencarnock and James Mor marched up the hill above Callander by Glenartna and by Comrie and by Crieff. The Duke of Perth joined us there with three hundred more; then Ronald joined the Duke.

Then we marched on to Glen Almond where we met the Prince, the MacDonalds and Camerons &c. There we were benighted and encamped that night at Dunblane. The Prince, Lochiel and Glencarnock took their quarters with MacGregor of Balhaldie there; the next morning we marched straight to Doun: the Bridge of Stirling was cut, then we rushed to Thornhill and the Ford of Frew. Our enemies created a scheme to sow many thousands of Crowtoes in the Ford in thoughts to stop us from going through. But all in vain.

We came, that night to Seaton of Touch. He left the house personally: he ordered his lady to invite Glencarnock and Lochiel to her house that night and she gave the Camerons and MacGregors three great oxen and so many hundreds of oat loaves, pots and cauldrons to boil our beef in, and we were greatly envied by the rest of the Clans. When Glencarnock and Lochiel were at breakfast in the morning, they heard shooting on the brow of the hill, Lochiel said to Glen 'What shooting can be in the hill?' Glencarnock answered 'I shall tell you that the Camerons are shooting sheep on the hill.' 'God forbid' said Lochiel 'it is the MacGregors.' Says Glen 'I shall lay forfeit one hundred guineas that it is not the MacGregors.' With this the two left breakfast, and drew their pistols and vowed if they were Camerons that Lochiel would shoot them and if MacGregors that Glen would shoot them; and by great fortune, passing the head of the avenue, there was a Cameron with a sheep upon his back; Lochiel fired at the fellow, and shot him thro' the shoulder, there he fell, the two went on a good way further but they got not a MacGregor yet.

"Then we marched by the back of Stirling by Cambusbaron, James Mor Campbell was at Stirling Castle and knew the MacGregor colours and made them fire their canons at us, and he never tried one shot at any other but ours; the villain lost his shot in vain. [No clue as to his identity, but he is also mentioned later in this chapter in regard to the burning of Glencarnaig's farm. (Or how Duncan MacPharrie knew who was firing the cannon from the battlements of the Castle!]

Straight to Bannockburn we went, and were informed that two regiments of the Black Horse were there, viz. Gardiner's, if I remember, and Hawke's, and they fled for Falkirk; we took that night's rest at Bannockburn.

Sir Hugh Paterson invited the Prince and his nobles to his house yt night, and ordered the Glencarnock men to guard him. That was the first night of the MacGregors upon Guard. We found out that Gardiner and his Horse were flying before us, and we pursued as fast as we could, thro' Falkirk and a little east from that.

Captain Evan MacGregor was informed by a butcher of the name of MacGregor that there was a store of arms in the House of Callendar; the Captain drew out forty men and goes in search of arms, and he got twenty guns and fifteen swords and all very good, and thought ourselves very happie.

Off we go thro' Linlithgow, the MacDonalds received information that there was a store of arms there, that were gathered two days before, for a militia; one hundred stand both guns and swords; we got information that a great store of powder and ball was at Borrowstoneness, waiting the enemy; we took as much as we could make use of; and we came to Winchburgh that night and formed a camp there and believed that we would fight tomorrow, the citizens and City Guard got to arms and were rendezvousing, thinking to make collops of the Highland army.

We came that night to the brow of Borroughmuir south from Edinburgh; Glencarnock and Ardsheal, them two, joined the MacGregors and Stewarts of Appin in one camp under the MacGregor colours. The MacGregors were increasing, we had two hundred, and Stewart of Ardsheal had only seventy good men.

About one o'clock we got orders to march, being the 17th September, we came in at the Netherbow port, the MacGregors had the route, and Glencarnock, Ardsheal, Captain Evan and Captain William Stewart, they did this and all the Highland army followed; this happened about the dawning of the day, straight to the City Guard, and apprehended the Guard and took all their arms; then we planted a Guard upon the West Port and the Weigh house.

Captain Evan MacGregor was not two hours in town, when he got private information of a great store of no less than seven hundred stand of arms which the Highland army rejoiced at. That night Captain Evan was promoted and made Aide-de-camp by the Prince's desire. This commission was not agreeable to the Clan MacGregor because by this promotion he was as often from us as we had him.

The next morning came sore word that Colonel Gardiner, Hawke's Dragoons, Loudon and John Cope had joined ten miles east from Edinburgh, and were advancing like heroes. The Prince and his Clans got to the Field and left Edinburgh, the King's army camped on a flat near the sea below Gardiner's house, when our army appeared upon the head of the hill; they played with field pieces on us but none were hurt or wounded; we took a long gun of eight feet in length from the house of Callendar, she was so heavy that no man could carry her above a mile at once. Captain Evan came to me, got the long gun, and we got Gregor MacGregor and we goes down as far as we could. The Captain fired the first shot, I fired the second, and Gregor fired the third; so we killed one man and broke another man’s arm; the English removed. The Prince thought much of this, that we got the first blood of them.

The night came on and we lay bewest Seaton town. The Prince, Perth, Glencarnock Ardsheal lay at the foot of a beanstack, Your Father and I slept none at all; but going the rounds about the middle of the night, we sent Donald Dow, Glen's servant for thirty bottles of rum, Donald and the bottles came and Your Father and I gave and ordered three Goes Down to every man, and gave our leavings to Ardsheal's men.

At break of day, we got to arms, without pipe or drum, as privately as we could, some jumped the ditch below and some waded it and we were set in battle order, three men deep. The MacDonalds got the right hand, the Duke of Perth got next, the MacGregors next, the Stewarts next, the Camerons next, we marched on in this form upon our trot all the way. The enemy observed us, and began to play upon us with their cannons, nothing stopped us, till we came within forty or fifty yards to them; then we fired and gave a loud huzza, we left our guns, drew our swords and targe like lions, yet we were obliged to draw our pistols and break the first rank; then they broke and we hashed them and slaughtered at them like fury.

I must turn and inform you of our righthand neighbours Perth's men, when they came within one hundred yards to the Enemy they stood like as many oxes, but forty MacGregors viz Captain Malcolm MacGregor and all the MacGregors that he commanded, left Perth and joined Glencarnock in the very heat of the battle. The whole Regiment stood stock still, till one Major Steuart called out "We are affronted, go and we shall secure Cope's bagage, so they secured the bagage; you will observe that the MacGregors were greatly hurt by this stoppage for we had to fight for Perth's Regiment till James Mor MacGregor gave a great call to the MacDonalds to close in to the left, so they observed and closed up the slap that was betwixt Perth's men and the MacGregors. So Captain Duncan MacGregor was wounded through the thigh, Captain James Mor MacGregor was wounded thro' the thigh, Captain Malcolm MacGregor got his two legs broken, twenty one private men were wounded and one shot dead upon the spot.

We pursued the retreating army a mile and a halt, killed and wounded the foot and took a few prisoners but none escaped," referring probably to the prisoners, "there was a good many horse killed, the rest fled.

The Prince came and took Glencarnock in his arms, and Captain Evan, and told them to gather the whole Clan MacGregor upon the middle of the Field of Battle. There was a table covered and the MacGregors guarding him at dinner, every man got a glass of wine and a little bread. Your Father and Uncle sat down with him, the rest of the Chieftains took it amiss that the MacGregors got this honour, but it was dear bought by the mishap that had occurred. If the MacDonalds had kept their distance, every soul of us would have been killed on the spot …. Glencarnock, your Father and a few of the men went and carried your uncle, Captain Duncan up to Tranent.

I and the rest of the men, interred the man that was killed, and carried in carts the wounded. We stayed that night at Tranent, early the next morning we prepared for Edinburgh. We got a litter for Captain Duncan, and your Father and Uncle kept close by him and I waited upon the men, and went to Edinburgh.

We lay at Edinburgh six weeks. Glengile and sixty men had been placed upon Castle of Doune as Commander in Chief in Scotland, being an old man. Ludovich Cameron was also left, he had seventy men yet under the command of Glen. Glengile went to Edinburgh, got your Father and half a dozen more that is too tedious to mention, with the hurry that they were in, going to meet Cope, and Glengile did not get all his men gathered. We gathered in David Murray in Cougate." "The officers were not named till that day, and Glenguile in my presence offered to Glencarnock Lieutenant Colonel and his brother Evan to be Major, the rest of the officers to be divided equally; when I left them, they were talking of casting lots, whether it happened or not I cannot say. I know Glencarnock was a very sensible man and did not choose to rise Glengile's corruption as be was sometimes stark mad. I observed that Glencarnock yielded his point to Glenguile for fear of the consequence. Glencarnock had thirteen men more than Glenguile, the Colours belonged to Glencarnock, so he had a better title one way, and all ways, yet be did not choose to rise a dispute with a mad man, and a good man when himself.

Glenguill goes to Doun. "Glencarnock and Major Evan MacGregor went with the army to England in the beginning of November, straight to Kelso and by Jedburgh and straight to Carlisle. This fortress yielded at the very first, I shall drop the English road for I have forgot their names, only we went to Derby and returned, but we killed about 120 dragoons and Light Horse.

We came to Dumfries, Sir William Gregorson came and took the Colonel and Major to his house and was very kind for that night.

We marched to Glasgow, and from thence to Kilsyth; I was sent by the Colonel to Inverlochlarig to his lady and I received 500 guineas and I raised 57 men and I met with the Colonel at Cambusbaron south from Stirling, Glengile and Mac Kinnon joined our Corps that night and we made a grand appearance.

We got orders to march next evening to Falkirk, that General Hawley was approaching with his troops. With pipers playing and colours flying the MacGregors moved, on the advance Guard, but the Light Horse was before us, the MacDonalds next. We marched on till we came to the Water of Lairburn, there we spied at the west end of Falkirk, the English troops advancing up the hill, we crossed the water and up the hill, and we got orders to have the right hand of the Prince's army and the MacDorialds upon the left. When we came to the top of the hill, we halted, Munro's dragoons were upon the King's left opposite to the MacGregors, we advanced from both sides, the King's army fired first, we fired next, and we brought down 135 with the first fire we gave them, then gave a loud huzza and put them to flight. 500 of the Glasgow Militia were hacked down.

The MacGregors and the MacDonalds pursued with all their might, and we did not lose a single man. What saved us, was the Dragoons came upon us over the head of a hill and we were low, and they fired over our heads, we were sure to level our guns better at them. We were benighted and we pursued them to Falkirk. They left their Cannons and Tents, and Camp Kettles boiling. The next day we pursued them with a picquet and found both men and horse dead of their wounds. Colonel MacGregor and Colonel MacDonald and MacKinnon were invited next day to breakfast and thanked for their behaviour. We returned the following Monday to Stirling and began against the Castle. The MacGregors, and MacDonalds, Camerons, Frasers &c were not troubled with that seige, it was continued 15 days, when accounts were received of the approach of Cumberland with a great army, 6000 Hessians 17 Regiments of Foot and Three of Horse.

Then we marched for the North by the ford of Frew, by Doun, and Dunblane. I was sent from Doun to Balquhidder. The Colonel and Major and the rest of our officers went off with the Prince.

Ronald MacGregor and I went off to rise a few men that went off with the plunder and trash that they gathered at Falkirk and we went off by Glenbeich, Ardonach, by Taymouth and joined the Regiment at Cosheville, we marched on by Dalnacardoch and Garavamore and straight to Inverness.

Lord Loudoun was there and 1600 men: He had boats in readiness as we appeared upon the head of the hill above Inverness, he and all his men were ferried to the other side. We halted at Inverness till the Prince came round the Seashore, by Montrose, Inverurie &c. Against that day eight days they arrived with a very good army.

The Prince and Colonel Sullivan voted to send the MacGregors with Coll: Ban Barrisdale his Regiment and the Earl of Cromartie his Regiment, in pursuit of Lord Loudoun which was a task as Lord Loudoun had taken all the boats within ten miles of him. We had to gather boats, twenty miles down the Sea Side but got them at last. Then were ferried and we pursued Lord Loudoun, we came to the next ferry, Major Evan MacGregor got private information that there was a company of Lord Loudon's men under Major MacKenzie at a village called Dornoch; the Major made the Regiment halt, and he picked 100 good men, and marched before us to that village, and by the time the Regiment came up to that place, Major MacGregor had Major MacKenzie prisoner and 70 men. We had the Major and his men to be sent to Inverness and a strong party with them. We advanced on till we came to another ferry it happened to be in that Bay there were four small ships going with provisions to supply the Forts, one with clothes, arms and ammunition, another with beef, pork, &c, and the other two with coals. The wind was against them and they could not move to the eastward; we began to fire on them with our small arms and we cut a good deal of their cords and as they forsaw that they could not make it better, and hoisted a white flag and ordered their small boats to carry us into the ship. There was 100 men ordered, 25 upon each ship. The Colonel got on board the ship that the clothes and arms was on, the Major on the ship that had the beef and pork, we continued there one month.

The MacDonalds and MacKenzies were on the other side of the Bay. Then we removed, we got notice that the Earl of Sutherland's factor had a thousand men of Militia raised. Lady Munro of Foulis petitioned the Prince if he would be so kind as to order the MacGregors to guard the Castle of Foulis and her lands, as she knew the MacDonalds and MacKenzies would plunder and pillage her house and lands: these two parties was at enemity with the Munros for some time before. So her petition was granted and we were ordered to guard the Castle of Foulis. Our Colonels were so very discreet that they ordered but one company to quarter day about, and although we were there, they (the two other Clans) made several attempts but all in vain.

We continued there 15 days, then marched towards Sutherland and we were informed that the Sutherland factor was increasing strongly; we were willing to meet him. There came an express to the MacGregors and MacDonalds to burn the factor's house and barn and put them to ashes; we were not pleased with this work we would fight rather than burn his house, his Lady and children were in the fever at the time. We were ordered to carry out all the plenishing and furniture and set them in the close, the beds and bedclothes in the middle of the plenishing, we moved the Lady and children and laid them in their beds and kept a guard that nothing should be stolen or carried away. Then we came to the barn, there was in it 200 bolls of bear, we carried every grain out of the barn before we put it aflame. This factor lay on the hill, himself and his men looking on all the time.

Then we marched on till we came within ten miles of Johnnie Groat still in pursuit of Lord Loudoun. He went to Lord Rae's Country. Then came an express to turn back to Inverness to meet Cumberland, we turned, the MacDonalds got the route, we crossed the first ferry safe, and we came and passed the next ferry safe, the Earl of Cromartie went to pay his respects to Lady Sutherland at the Castle of Dunrobin, there he was made prisoner. His men marched on to the ferry where one half of them were boated, there was a Kirk hard by the ferry full of Sutherland Militia, they poured out on Cromartie's men, and killed, drowned or wounded between 3 and 400 of them, so see what comes of cruel wretches, they but a sill (i.e. seol) tribe of men given to thieving and robbing. Our men were billetted in threes and fours among the tenants and never touched; we were rather watching the country than hunting any person or persons; as the Cromartie men were so hashed and slashed at this ferry they never joined us more.

The MacDonalds still had the route and we came that night to Dornoch, where your Father had apprehend Loudoun's men. The next day we got the melancholy news that the Battle of Culluden was fought and that we lost. We came that night to the ferry and with difficulty we could make Inverness, but were informed that all was wrong before us. Cumberland knew that we were in the North and sent four Regiments of Horse up the water of Ness to attack us. They marched up the water side on the South side and we marched up the North side and they durst not venture the fords, and we did not venture for fear the Horse should attack us in the water tho' we would fain have at them. We and they marched seven complete miles opposite to one another and they returned.

We came that night to the Castle of Dunie, Lovat's apartment; next night to Cullichie Lochgarry's house. There we parted with our good friends the MacDonalds and the fine fellow Dr Cameron.

The next morning met the Duke of Perth at Ruven of Badenoch, He and our Colonel parted there with tears. We marched to Garviemor and straight to Rannoch, still with flying colours thro' Glenlyon Into Breadalbane and took refreshment at Killin. The Argyle Militia was in the Castle of Finlarig and they durst not move more than pussies. We came straight to the Kirk of Balquhidder. Then every man to his own house and did not know well where it was. [Alluding to the condition in which the country was in consequence of the reprisals by Government troops.] It is needless to enlarge further upon this subject, there is no more but James Mor Campbell's [Apparently the same man that fired on the MacGregors from Stirling] intrigues about the burning of Glencarnock's Estate, his deceitful letters and his cruelty afterwards."

This account is signed by Duncan McGregor, and dated Cuill 12" Febr. 1788, nearly forty-three years after the campaign.

[4] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 16-23:

[5] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 93-94: referring to the surviving order books of Ogilvie's and Ardheal's regiments

[6] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 143-144: On 10th October 1745, in alluding to the grossest corruptions used to secure Union, the Stuart Prince endorsed the view that a 'parcel of rogues' 'bought and sold for English gold' destroyed their country for the sake of personal advancement.

[7] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. page 131: Quoting from the Albermarle Papers

[8] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. pages 79-80:

[9] Pittock, Murray: "The Myth of the Jacobite Clans", 2nd edition, EUP, 1915. page 94:

[11] see the genealogy of MacGregor Drummonds of Balhaldie here
Lord Elcho's "Short Account of the Affairs of Scotland in the Years 1744, 1745 and 1746" [Printed from the original manuscript in 1907] begins "In the year 1743 there were two gentlemen at Paris whose names were Lord Semple and Mr Macgregor, alias Drummond of Bakaldie. They were known to be ministers of the Chevalier de St Georges ... Mr Macgregor made frequent journeys to England, Scotland and to Rome."

In a note regarding Balhaldie, Elcho says "William Macgregor or Drummond of Bohaldie or Balhaldies, son of Sir Alexander Macgregor of Bohaldie, a jacobite baronet, his mother being a daughter of Sir Ewan Cameron of Lochiel; b.1698; fought at Sheriffmuir in 1715; escaped to France; married a daughter of Oliphant of Gask; first appears as agent to James in 1740.

Murray of Broughton, clearly not a friend of Mr Malloch, wrote of him thus: 'the descendant of a cobbler, himself a broken butter and cheese merchant, a stickt doctor, a Jack of all trades, a bankrupt indebted to all the world, the awkwardest Porter-like fellow alive, allways in a passion, a mere bully, the most forbidding air imaginable, and a master of as much bad French as to procure himself a woman and a dinner' [M.M 350].

According to Murray, Elcho described Bohaldie as a 'low lifed fellow devoid of truth'. [ibid, 51]

Throughout his career he was the object of mistrust. Murray accuses him of plundering the baggage at Sheriffmuir.

In September 1744 Earl Marischal writing to James says 'Can you desire that either the Duke of Perth or I undertake ever anything on the word of Lord Sempill or Bohaldie?' [Stuart Papers; B.H. ii 476]

In Feb. 1743 Lord John Drummond writing to Edgar, says 'Most of the King's friends I meet within Scotland speak against him (Bohaldie) and desired most positively that I should inform the King from them that Bohaldy had always been in low life, he trayed several different trades without success and obliged to flay the country in danger of being taken up for a Fifty Pound note, he had now for a recourse taken the management of the King's affairs' [Ibid 446].

In March 1745 Charles was writing to his father, 'I take the liberty to advise you that there is no believing anything they [Sempill and Bohaldie] say'.

On the other hand James considered him 'an honest and sensible man,' and trusted him throughout the protracted negotiations with the French court.

Readers of Stephenson will recall it was Bohaldie who received Catriona in Paris.

A proper assessment of Balhaldie in the light of these criticism has to be made with consideration to the social consciousness of the exiled Jacobite nobility, and deprived of their landed incomes, the desperation of most of them for financial support which James found impossible to supply.

[12] The Jacobite Attempt of 1719, ed by WK Dickson, SHS 1895, Introduction li and Page 272

[13] see the genealogy of Glengyle MacGregors here

This letter in the Balhaldie papers was from Griogar Glundubh of Glengyle to James Mor in Dunkirk, dated 20. May 1754. It showed that Glengyle, at least continued to regard Balhaldie as the chief of Clan Gregor. "Dr Cussine,- I received yours from London the 24. March, ... I remember that John Murray the Secretary and O'Sullivan spoke to me and desired I would take upon me the title of Chief you may remember that in presence of these two gentlemen and the Duke of Perth, I solemnly declared Bohaldies was unanimously allowed to be Chief by the voice of the whole Clan, and for my part I only desired no more than my birthright and dew. You may tell Sullivan had the Prince carried along with him Balhaldies to Scotland probably he would see him at the head of a more numerous Clan than any appeared at that time, and I hope if ever an opportunity offers That our Clan will behave neighbourlike if not exceed severals who, as I understand, have met with more favourable returns for their service. Make offer of my best compliments to Balhaldies and let him know from me that I expect he entertains more favourable sentiments than that I would deviate from that to which I ought to adhere. I refer to what Ronald has wrote you and I am Dr Cussine. "Your affectionate Cuss and Servant. "Jas; Grahame of Glengyle."

[14] Royal Archives, Windsor Castle (RA), Cumberland Papers (CP), Main/15/296 - Referenced by Black, in Campbells of the Ark, Vol 1, p254,

[15] The following is from notes by General Stewart of Garth, concerning Iain oag beg:
I shall speak something of Glencarnaig Breas of Balquhidder since I mentioned it so often - It was purchased by the Earl of Murray's Grandfather at a judicial sale from the Court of Session sixty years ago for the sum of £3450. It consists of the following Farms - Inverchearnaig where there is a Mill & Inverlochlarigbeg in one farm in the hands of Messrs Stewart of Auchnahaurd & Duard Glenfinglas rent £360 now in the hands of Mr McDonald of Craigsuidh Breas of Balquhidder - Inverlochlarigmore & Drumlich Tuarach Inisheart & Drumlichdesarach rent £550 and if times were good it would be worth double – the whole is in lease to Messrs Dond & John McDonald - there was in this place once twenty six Tenants it is one of the finest grazing farms in the Highlands of Perthshire.
The whole of the Braes of Balquhidder was burned & spoiled the year after forty five no man can describe the cruelty of the savage soldiers
- the first of the family of Iain Oag Beg who got a feu of Inverchearnaig & Inverlochlarigbeg from the Marquis of Athol. Iain oag Beg was son to John Macgregor Forrester of Coircheich or Mamlord Breas of Glenlochay called Sliochd Dhonaich Bhreich - Grigar Aullin & Donald Ladasach - but I have no time to tell particulars of them at presant altho I know as much of them as any man in life.
Iain Oag Beg made a runaway marriage with a Daughter o Coirchaorach she was called Mairi nighean Eoain by her he had three sons 1st Robert Macgregor of Inverchearnaig a Decent gentleman married first a Daughter of Campbell of Ruoro Glenlyon by whom he had a son & Daughter. The son died in the West Indies and the Daughter married a son of Graham of Bogtown port parish and by a fortunate accident she was mother to the present General Graham of Bogton the richest and the worst of that family or ever was of them.
2 Ewan mac Iain Oaig Sir John Macgregors father made a runaway marriage with a Daughter of the family of MacDonald isle of Sky he was a Drover and made her believe he was proprietor of Balquhidder and a very well built house she saw when coming home she thought to be her own - But all that awaited her was a miserable cottage in the braes of Balquhidder and a Farm of one fourth of a Plough sometime thereafter they went to Inverchagerney in Strathfillan where they had a like possession of one fourth of a plough. Inverchagerney in Strathfillan Once belonging to Campbell of Lochdochard now to MacNab of Macnab from that place to Crianlarach Ewan Murray went to keep the Change house in Lochdochard estate where he resided for a long time from thence to the Inn at Lochearnhead where they lost all their property by fire from Lochearnhead to Down & Sir James Cohan of Luss procured him an Ensigncy in the Scotch Hollanders Sir James was reckoned a protector of the MacGregors at that time then the Grants & MacGregors were thought Brothers by this marriage with Mary MacDonald Ewan had four sons
1 Sir John Murray MacGregor of Lendrick
2 Colonel Peter who died coming home from India who made more money than all the rest
3d Alexander who was a Colonel also
4d Robert who was said to be a Major
Iain Oag beg had another son who was a Writer in Edinburgh had one son who died in the east India and a daughter married to Donach Maol Chronains son a Clerk Commercial Bank Edinr.
This estate of Inverchearnaig they had not altogether only Inverchearnaig Inverlochlarigbeg & Drumlick Tuarach Inverlochlarigmore belonged to one MhacDhuail Cheir and Drumlichbeg to a gentleman of the name of Mclaren It is said that Sir John paid for Lendrick when he came from India £13000 he got the estate of Gartnafuaran from. For 15 or 2000 £ and ? Dummadich for a mere triffle of £9000 from the family of Perth and £500 for Old Tacks £9000 to Mr Murdoch of Gartnacabber for two farms near Lendrick £2600 for the farm of Kirkton of the estate of Annat near Down Lodge a real Bargain £6000 for Gart near Callander bought from Perth family some farms at Ruskie in Monteith south from Callander never a MacGregor had Charters upon so much land before.
The estate of Lendrick once belonged to the worthy family of Haldane they got it in time of King David or James the first by a Daughter of Sir John Monteith of Ruskie who married a son of Haldane of Gleneaguis another a Son of Napier of Marchiston near Edinburgh and the estate of Ruskie was divided between them farm about the estate of Naipier was sold long ago in lots to different purchasers and Haldanes share was sold to Sir John which amounts to about £2200 a year with parks & every other thing his estate in Balquhidder is about £1200 a year but it is one third too dear and not very regularly paid all his estates may be about £3500 pounds per annum his Motto is Rioghail mo dhream Ardchoil but he needs not brag much of Ardchoil and if I live to see you I will tell you of Donach Ladasachd & Peter Glas his brother in Auchrioch Strathfillans they were the most iniquitous characters the earth ever produced striving who would be the most wicked.
Iain Oag Beg Sir Johns grandfather came to take possession of the Breas of Balquhidder and Rob Roy Macgregor employed four of the MacGregors some of his own low gang to assassinate him but he being a cautious man and possessed of more country eloquence diverted them from their wicked attempt till they came to Rob Roys house at Waster Inverlochlarig where they intended to recomitt the same deed but were prevented by Rob Roy himself who wished not for any strangers to intrude upon his own tribe Sliochd Dhuil Cheir the Glengyle MacGregors there was an attack made upon him again at the farm of Inverchearnaig of which he wished to take possession by a tribe of MacIntyres who had been there time unknown - notwithstanding Sir John was the most useful to his own clan that ever was called MacGregor and since his advancement in the world he did more for his own clan than all the Stewarts put together for the most of them is rather ashamed to do a good turn to one another since the revolution of the years 15 and 45 when it became real fashionable by all ranks to run down the name of Stewart which must be a real Slur upon a civilised nation
Upon cool recollection some of the Stewarts themselves to their great shame were as guilty as others But this was not the case with the MacGregors for they would stand each other at the risk of their Lives & Fortunes.

[16] Prisoners of the '45. Edited from the State Papers, Seton & Arnot, Vols I, II, III Edinburgh, SHS, 1929
Tables of the Prisoners from Glengyles' regiment on Vol I, p 82-83 and summary on p155

[17] Clan Cameron's estimated Muster roll of Jacobite Army at Prestonpans, Falkirk and Culloden How many MacGregors were at Prestonpans and Falkirk?:
APPIN Stewarts 200 men commanded by Charles Stewart of Ardsheal - including MacGregors commanded by Glencairnaig - MacPharrie says 200 and this was repeated in Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire, but probably greatly exagerated - assume 40 for the sake of picking a number
DUKE OF PERTH'S 200 men commanded by James Drummond, Duke of Perth (including about 40 MacGregors under James Mór MacGregor (Drummond),

And at Falkirk?:
The STEWARTS OF APPIN now are estimated at 300 - any MacGregors? The Cameron's were estimated to have had 900, but according to Hawley's report, the MacGregors and MacKinnons were attached to Lochiel's regiment, so must have been included in the 900. MacPharrie states that "we got orders to have the right hand of the Prince's army and the MacDonalds upon the left". However, Clan Donald prized its traditional position on the right of the first line of battle (and at Culloden, it is said they did not charge since they had been placed on the left of the line by Lord George Murray)

[18] This is from the trial transcript of Alexander Stewart, provost of Edinburgh, for dereliction of duty, in allowing the rebels to take Edinburgh (Trial date 1747). The witnesses James Tait, James Gillespie and Alexander Corsar were the keepers/guards of the Netherbow Port of the city of Edinburgh. The evidence given reads:
“XLVIII. James Tait, goldsmith in Edinburgh, despones, That in September 1745, both before and at the time the rebels entered the city of Edinburgh, the depondent was keeper, and had the keys of the Netherbow-port; but the night before the rebels entered, that is, the Monday night, the deponent was obliged to go to bed at eleven o’clock, having been kept out of bed the two preceding nights with the volunteers; and that Monday’s night he committed the charge of the port to his servant James Gillespie, whereby it happened that the deponent was-a-bed on the Tuesday’s morning when the rebels entered the port; and knew nothing of them till he was raised out of bed, and saw them in the town. That the deponent received no orders, either on the Monday night, or any preceding night, about the manner of keeping the port; it being the ordinary custom, to open the port as people called either going out or coming in; but upon the Monday’s night, the deponent left at the port six of the town-guard soldiers, beside his above servant James Gillespie.

XLIX. James Gillespie, servant to James Tait, the preceding witness, depones, That, in September 1745, when the rebels entered the city of Edinburgh, the deponent was servant to the preceding witness Mr Tait, and keeper of the port under him. That, upon Monday’s night, the 16th of September, Mr Tait left the charge of the port to the deponent, and gave him orders, whatever chairs or coaches were entering the town, or going out, to open the port, and let them pass. That the deponent attended the port that night, together with six centries of the town-guard soldiers; and betwixt four and five in the morning, a coach came down the street, in order to go out of the port; and the Deponent, agreeable to his orders opened the port, and let it pass; and after the coach was past, the deponent shut one of the leaves of the port; but as he was shutting the other, the Highlanders rushed in upon him, and beat him back, and then possessed themselves of the port, and entered the town. Despones, That, nobody offered to stop the coach from going out: that he knows not whether any of the centries spoke with the coachman; but he observed him to stop a little talking with one of the waiters at the port of his acquaintance. And depones, That, he did not say to any other orders but the general order above-mentioned; nor did any of the soldiers stop him from letting out the coach. And depones, That the deponent had no particular orders from the panel, or any of the magistrate or council concerning the port.

L. Alexander Corsar, one of the soldiers of the city-guard of Edinburgh, despones That, upon the night of Monday the 16th of September 1745, he was upon guard as one of the soldiers of the city-guard; and at four o’clock on Tuesday’s morning, was ordered, with five or seven more of his brother-soldiers, by the serjeant of the guard, to go to the Netherbow to guard it, and to relieve the like number of soldiers that were there before; and the serjeant of the guard ordered the deponent not to permit any person whatever to go out or come in the port. And the deponent accordingly marched, and relieved the guard at the port: and in about half an hour thereafter, the deponent, observing a coach coming down the street, sent two men to meet, and stop it at Fountain-well; but as the coachman would be forward, the deponent went up and stopped it himself. That the coachman said, He behoved to get out of the port; but the deponent said, He should not get out, unless he had an order from Provost Stewart. The coachman said, he had no order from provost Stewart; but that provost Coutts had ordered him to be let out. The deponent answered, provost Coutts had now no more power to give such an order, than any other private gentleman; and he should not get out, without provost Stewart’s orders. Upon which the under-keeper of the port, who was James Gillespie, the preceding witness, came up, and said, That, he had an order to let out the coach; but did not say from whom he had it. Upon which the deponent answered, O, Sir it is very well if you have an order to let it out; you have the keys of the port, you must answer for it, and I have nothing to say. And being further interrogate, depones, That the under-keeper had no discourse with either the coachman or the postillion, before he told the deponent that he had an order to let out the coach. Despones, That, then the port was opened, and the coach drove out, and was not past the deponent two yards, when the highlanders rushed in, and Locheil gripped the deponent by the arm.

The account of Duncan Cameron, a Jacobite (The Lyon in Mourning on page 209-210). It reads: “Meantime eight or nine hundred Highlanders under the command of Keppoch, young Lochiel, and O’Sullivan, marched in between the Long Dykes without a hush of noise, under the favour of a dark night, and lurked at the head of the Canongate about the Nether Bow Port till they should find a favourable opportunity for their design, which soon happened. The hackney coach that brought back the second deputation, entered at the West Port, and after setting down the deputies at their proper place upon the street, drove down the street towards the Canongate, and when the Nether Bow Port was made open to let out the coach, the lurking Highlanders rushed in (it being then peep of day) and made themselves masters of the city without any opposition, or the smallest noise.”.

The account of John Home , the government side. On page 69: “The coach brought them back to Edinburgh, set them down in the High Street, and then drove towards the Canongate. When the Nether bow port was opened to let out the coach, 800 Highlanders, led by Cameron of Locheil, rushed in, and took possession of the city.”

Murray of Broughton’s account, who was Prince Charles secretary (The Mr M in this document is James Mor McGregor son of Rob Roy) reads:
“With this view he ordered Locheil to putt his people under arms to be ready to march upon a minutes warning, and ordered MrM. to be their guide, as he was well acquainted with all the avenues to the place, giving strickt orders to behave with all moderation to the Inhabitants, and that the solders should not be allowed to taste spirits, and to pay for w’ever they got, promising them two shillings each so soon as thev rendered themselves Masters of the place. The detachment had immediately orders to march, and was commanded by Lochiel and Col. O'Sulivan taking the road by Merkistown and Hopes Park, where they passed without being observed by the garrison in the Castle, tho so near as to hear them distinctly call their rounds, and arrived at the Nether bow Port without meeting any body on their way, and found the wall of the Town which flanks the Pleasants and St. Marys wind mounted with cannon, but no person appeared. Locheil ordered one of his people in a great coat and hunting cape to go and demand entrance att the gate, while he was ready to have followed him in case he had obtained admittance. but the fellow being refused access, and it now being clear daylight, Mr M. proposed to retire to a place call’d St Leonards hills, and after securing themselves from the cannon of the Castle, to waite for orders from the Chevalier where to attack the town, that tho they had it then in their power to force their entry by any of the houses in St Marys wind which makes part of the Town wall, yett their orders of moderation were so severe that they could not take it upon them to demolish any of the houses without liberty given. This retreat being thus agreed to Mr M. went to the rear of the detachment to make them march and guide them to the place proposed, but before he had time to get so far, the Coach which had returned with the deputies came down the High Street and oblidged the Guard to open the Port, upon which Locheil took the advantage and rushed in, the guard immediately dispersing. Thus, did the Chevalier render himself master of the Capital without sheding a drop of Blood, notwithstanding all the mighty preparations and associations entered into for its defence.”

[19] Amelia chap29 page 377-378 Commission from Prince Charles to Evan MacGregor, Younger Brother of Glencarnock, 1745 "Charles Prince of Wales &c, Regent of Scotland, England, France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging To Evan McGregor Brother to Robert McGregor of Glencarnok, Greeting. We Reposing special Trust and (two lines missing from the Document, they must have carried out the same form as the preceding) as such, from the date hereof, You are therefore carefully and Dilligently to Discharge the duty and trust of Major, aforesaid …. by doing and performing everything, which belongs thereto, And We hereby require all and every the Officers and Soldiers of Our forces, to observe, and obey you as a Major … and yourself to observe and follow all such Orders, Directions and Commands, as you shall from time to time receive from us, Our Commander-in-chief for the time being or any other your Superior Officer According to the Rules and Discipline of War. In pursuance of the trust hereby reposed in you Given at our Palace of Holyroodhouse the 29th day of October 1745. C. P.R.

[20] J M Hill in "Celtic Warfare 1595-1763" has the Clan Donald in their traditional place on the right of the first line, next Perth's then the Ardsheal's Stewarts with the Camerons on the left. As the Jacobites charged, he says, a gap opened between Ardsheal's and Perth's. Some of Perth's men failed to move, so MacPharrie's account of those MacGregors who formed part of Perth's regiment moving in support of their kinsmen with Ardsheal's seems to be correct.

[21] MacPharrie's account is in Amelia Vol II p394 to p395 - here Evan, fourth son of John Oig of Glencarnaig, was born in 1710, "he was of a very active and martial spirit" and was a brave and distinguished officer. He married early in life Janet MacDonald youngest daughter of John Macdonald, son of Sir James Macdonald of Slate by his second wife, Evan's marriage must have taken place in 1739, the marriage contract framed several years after is dated 1744. When the Standard of James VIII. was raised in Scotland and Evan's eldest brother Robert MacGregor of Glencarnaig took the Field in command of a Regiment of MacGregors, Evan was attached to it as Captain, and in the narrative by Duncan MacPharrie it has been related that he brilliantly distinguished himself at the Battle of Preston Pans, after which Prince Charles made him his Aide-de-camp and he became Major in the Corps. When the campaign was over he had to wander among the hills with his brother Glencarnoch for some months, at which time both brothers destroyed almost all their papers from motives of precaution,

[22] The next five: Commission and letters relating to Glengyle, are copies in a MS. formerly in the possession of Colonel Hugh MacGregor some¬time in the 91st Regt.
Commission to Glengyle from Prince Charles.
Charles P.R.
“Charles Prince of Wales and Regent of Scotland, England, France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging, to our Trusty and well beloved Gregor MacGregor Esq. We reposing especial trust and Confidence in your Loyalty, Ability, Courage and good Conduct do hereby constitute and appoint you to be Colonel and Commandant of the Fortress of Down, Cardross, and Balinton, and to take your Rank as Colonel in the Army from the date hereof, you are carefully & diligently to discharge the duty and trust hereby committed to your care and to perform everything which belongs thereto in as full and ample a manner as any Commandant of any Fort or Castle in Scotland is vested with, and you are to follow such orders, directions and Commands as you shall from time to time receive from us, our Commander in Chief or any of our Generals, or any such Orders as you shall receive from our Secretary's Office.
"Given at our Palace of Holyrood House the 15th day of October 1745
"By his Highnesses Command Jo Murray."

Letter from Viscount of Strathallan addressed to the "laird of GlenGyll."
"Perth, Oct.13, 1745.-Sir,-I received your letter of this date and am glad His Royal Highness has made choice of you for the Government of Down. It will be abundantly necessary to have a constant eye on Stirling Castle that no parties or strollers come abroad unobserved, and to be upon your guard against people dis¬guised in the Highland dress and white Cockades, if you hear of any such having past you by stolen marches, it will be proper to send immediately intelligence. I have nothing further to recommend, but that you would endeavour to reinforce your Garrison as much as possible, as you Command a post of great con¬sequence, our close Correspondence will be absolutely necessary. and I am Sir &c
"Strathallan."

Letter from Colonel Henry Kerr to the same.
"Alloaye, 26 Oct. 1745. Sir,- His Royal Highness sent me here to secure the pass for his Grace the Duke of Atholl and his convoy and if his Grace should he obliged to pass this way its desired that in case you cannot get boats sufficient to transport them, that you will cause build a Bridge to facilitate their passage and it is apprehended the Men-of-War and armed boats in the Firth will endeavour to interrupt the passage here, It is not to he doubted but that there will be an attempt from Stirling Castle to cover their designs, for which you will use your best endeavour to keep them in, by drawing some of your troops that way in order to make a diversion. If anything happens here, you shall be acquainted with it and its hoped that you will ommunicate anything worth notice to Sir &c
Hn Kerr."

Order by His Grace the Duke of Perth Lient. General of the Forces of His Royal Highness Charles Prince of Wales.
"These are desiring you to send thirty men and an officer three or four miles south of the ford of Frews as an escort to Allen Cameron who goes with dispatches of importance for His Royal Highness.
"Given at Drummond the 30th Dec 1745 years. Do it immediately upon your arrival at Down."

Letter from Secretary Murray to Colonel McGregor of Glengyle or Commander of Down.
"Bannockburn, Jan. 9, 1746.-Sir,-In consequence of certain intelligence His Royal Highness has received, that the enemy have sent a considerable body of troops aboard ships now seen in the river to seize the cannon at Alloa, orders are sent to Dunblane to send a large detachment to reinforce the troops there and it is likewise thought necessary that you send what troops you can spare from your garrison you are likewise desired to take care to apprehend any deserters that may pass. If your people make haste they may be all at Alloa before the tide I am &c
Jo. Murray

[23] Tenants of Buchanan parish in the 45 According to Montrose's factor, most of the MacGregors in Buchanan parish (East bank of Loch Lomond) were either not involved or, having been forced by Glengyle, deserted at the first opportunity

[24] From Black, "Campbells of the Ark", Vol I, pp 156-158 and 604-606. References : -
NLS MS 16607 f,95r -"menacing Glasgow.
Argyll Papers bundle 654 and NLS MSS 16605 f 80r and 16607, f 95. for "plundering Dumbartonshire".
NLS MS 16605, f173v for Battle at Ardno. and more detail in an original letter in the papers of Alasdair Campbell of Airds, Inverawe Barns.
NLS: MS 16607, f.241f and MS 16605, f.175r. "Barisdale advised to attack Inveraray,"
NAS GD 14/63 - "Few militia to defend Inveraray"

[25] From Black, "Campbells of the Ark", Vol II, p505. Reference Home, "History of the Rebellion" pp 187-192; Scott, Fasti, Vol 4, pp 75-76

[26] History of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745, John Home, page 126

[27] "A short account of the battles of Preston, Falkirk and Culloden by a gentleman who was in these actions" [Andrew Lumisden, Private Secretary to Prince Charles]. published in Origins of the '45, by Blaikie, p 409
Stuart Papers at Windsor, published by A & H Tayler on page 226 and 227 refers to Andrew Lumisden as follows: "... when Prince Charles and his court came to Holyrood and John Murray of Broughton, the secretary found the need for professional assistance, young Lumisden was recommended ... he was employed throughout the campaign in 'keeping the books', and after Culloden, Cluny MacPherson was specially desired by a message from the Prince 'We have sent an exprefs to Lord Cromarty, Glengyle, & Barifdale, to join us by Bewly. For God's sake make haste to join us ; & bring with you all the people can possibly be got togither. Take care in particular of Lumisden and Sheridan, as they carry with them the Sinews of War' ... he eventually got safely to Rouen. He is the last but one named in the list of exceptions to the Act of Indemnity. After 1764 he took over from James Edgar as Secretary to Prince Charles."

According to the DNB, on 15 February 1773, Lumisden was given permission to return to Scotland, and five years later a free pardon was granted him. He continued for a period to make Paris his base. In 1783 Lumisden was in Edinburgh and was a joint founder of the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He died in Edinburgh on 25 December 1801.[Lee, Sidney, ed. (1893). "Lumisden, Andrew". Dictionary of National Biography. 34. London: Smith, Elder & Co.]

[29] Royal Archives, Windsor Castle (RA), Cumberland Papers (CP), Main/15/174 - Referenced by Black, Campbells of the Ark, Vol 2, p271,

[30] NLS, MS 3736, f 1041r, (Mamore no 536), Also in Amelia Vol 2, p.388



Grateful thanks are due to Neil & Matt MacGregor for their constructive criticism.