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Kinship, Landholding & Crime - Clan Gregor 1583 - 1611

By Peter Lawrie, ©2002

Note - individuals have been given reference numbers in this study. Consult me for more information and genealogies.

Kinship and Clanship - what was a Highland Clan. This chapter describes an origin and genealogy for Clan Gregor to 1603.

Possession of Land by Clan Gregor. Up Until 1603, Clan Gregor had grown into a powerful landholding kindred in Perthshire. This chapter describes the extent of their holdings.

The Crimes of Clan Gregor. The growth of the power of the Scottish State under James VI and the expansion of the Campbells of GlenOrchy and Argyll, created an intolerable situation for Clan Gregor. Their violent reaction led to many mentions of the Clan in the records of the State and their neighbours.

Conclusion. What can we learn of Highland Clanship and its collision with the increasing power of the Scottish State in the late 16th century from this account of Clan Gregor.

Bibliography.

 

This paper is based on a dissertation submitted for the degree of MPhil from the University of Dundee in 2002. In view of the length, it has been divided into four chapters. Please click on the link at the end of each section to continue. Footnotes are given for each section but the Bibliography is only supplied at the end of the final section.


Chapter 1 – Kinship and Clanship

Clann means family. Theoretically the clan descended from a common male ancestor, but ‘Pretense of blude’ implied that these links could be a fiction. [34] ‘Successful’ clans might expand their numbers by recruiting unrelated residents of new territories. According to a report by Donald Campbell of Airds in 1746, ‘Clan Cameron have taken pains to perswade such as are call’d their dependants and followers, though of a different name, to assume the name “Cameron”’. [35]   Did Clan Gregor do the same?

Y-chromosone DNA carries definitive evidence of male line descent. Recent tests have shown an identical match between a member of the family of the present chief of Clan Gregor with a descendant of the Clandoulcheire lineage. [36] A descendant of the Roro lineage has a single allele variation. The testing laboratory suggests a greater than 90% probability of common origin with a single variation on 25 alleles in 20-25 generations. The division of Roro from the main stem of Clan Gregor around 1380 is consistent with a single variation, while the Clandoulcheire relationship to the chief’s lineage may be two generations closer. [37] Several other MacGregors have more significant 2 and 3 step variations that could be the result of matrimonial indiscretions or the descendants of ‘part-takers’ with the kindred. [38] The results are all within a generic ‘Celtic’ haplogroup-1, distinct from haplogroup-2, which is also common among the Scottish and Irish populations and a ‘Viking’ haplogroup-3 common in Scandinavia. [39] The one Campbell tested so far also has a single allele variation from these three MacGregors. This individual may be the descendant of an aliased MacGregor, but if a genuine Campbell, it may suggest a common ancestor of Clan Campbell and Clan Gregor in the 12th or 13th centuries. It is too soon for definitive conclusions, but as the testing databases grow, interesting results may emerge.

The nominal lists of 1586, 1590 and 1602 include very few non-MacGregor names. The labouring population of the extensive MacGregor farms [40] may not have been ‘part-takers’ in the activities which rendered the clan obnoxious to the king. ‘Broken men’ may have consorted with the clan during periods of outlawry - perhaps the ‘Patrik Mckilvarnoch’ tried in 1604 [41] and ‘Johnne McEwin in Kilbryde’ tried for various thefts in 1611. [42] Probable non-MacGregors included Darriche, Lawrye, McCadanich, McCaddell, McAchaincasich, McCoruther, McGillehelichy, McGillevie, McGowne, McInleiche and McCorcodale. Most of these are represented just once, but some may be genuine members of the clan whose names have been mangled by non-Gaelic clerks. Johnson, Duncanson and Jameson are anglicised patronymics used by members of the Fortingal and Glenlednock kindreds. 

No contemporary genealogies have survived except for the lineage of the chiefs up to Eoin (obit 1519). [43]   Sixty-six of the obits in Dean MacGregor’s chronicle mention members of the clan or their wives between the ‘Death of John MacGregor of Glenurquhay in 1390 and ‘Patrick Dow McGregor McDuncan Lawdossyt slain in Bofudyr by Clandowilchayr’ in 1574. [44] Martin MacGregor identified a number of references to MacGregors before 1560. [45] The intervention of the state resulted in a series of official lists. [46] Lists in the Luss papers and elsewhere have been collected by John MacGregor WS. [47]

Some of the genealogies in Amelia MacGregor are little more than fictitious demonstrations of the seniority of the lineage of Sir Evan Murray MacGregor. Later in the 19th century John MacGregor WS attempted more careful reconstructions. [48] The Gaelic Society of Inverness published a pedigree of the MacGregors of Roro in 1904. [49] These pedigrees can show inconsistencies and illogicalities particularly in the earlier generations. 

In kin-based societies expansion occurred from the top downwards. [50] The chief would set his closest kin over new territory. Failure of chiefly control might free subordinate lineages to create new clans or to give their calp [51] to new, perhaps unrelated chiefs. An understanding of kinship is crucial to understanding the behaviour of Clan Gregor and for this reason a hypothetical genealogy has been attempted. The basis of this has been references found by Martin MacGregor, the obits in the Dean’s ‘Chronicle’, nominal entries from the published Amelia MacGregor, checked against the ‘Chartulary’ [52] and the Luss lists. In total 1863 entries were found and it proved possible to propose places within the genealogy for almost 1320. Some individuals feature a number of times in the total. There are eight references to the chief, Alasdair ruadh and nine to his brother Eoin dubh.

Double and triple patronymics with place-name qualifications make the reconstruction possible. Often the last patronymic denoted the original settler in a locality rather than the lineal ancestor. For example, ‘John dow McCondochy VcFatrik VcCoullcheir’ in a Luss list of 1613 is Eoin dubh, son of Donnchadh (executed 1604), grandson of Padraig ruadh (executed 1613). VcCoullcheire is (mhic) Dubhgaill chčir, ancestor of the Clandoulcheire lineage who was the grandfather of Padraig ruadh. In this case the third generation, Maol-coluim is omitted. Sorting the genealogical and nominal spreadsheets permitted the identification of new matches and recognition of discrepancies. The date of each mention was noted against lines in the genealogy spreadsheet.  It is not the purpose of this dissertation to exhaustively prove the genealogy as it is intended solely as a tool in order to understand the activities of the clan. It is possible that some of the family groups found in lists of the clan were in fact ‘part-takers’. However, genetic linkages have been assumed if the patronymics appear to indicate them.

Without patronymics and locations the process would be impossible as five personal names covered half the total and fifteen almost all of it. There were 349 instances of John/Eoin, Duncan/Donnchadh occurred 310 times, Gregor/Griogar 204, Allaster/Alasdair 185 and Patrick/Padraig 180. ‘John’ subdivided into 142 instances of John dow and 18 qualified ‘John dow’s – Eoin dubh gearr, Eoin dubh lean, etc; a further 30 qualified Johns – Eoin ruadh, Eoin mor, etc; and 159 plain ‘John’. Eventually 37 different John dows and 58 other Johns were identified out of 244 entries, leaving 105 unidentified Johns.

Every identified individual has been coded, beginning with the suggested four sons of Eoin dubh (obit 1415), grandson of the eponym Griogair. The coding is arbitrary in that it is not intended to imply which son was the eldest unless the context makes that clear. The code structure is open-ended but describes 9 generations up to, for instance, Eoghan, (211111332), born around 1600. Thus Gille-coluim is (1), his lineage failed with his grandson Eoin dubh (111) in 1519. His successor was Griogair (2111), who died in 1526, and descended from Alasdair (2).  Padraig Chaoldich (231), ancestor of the Glenlednock lineage, is assumed to have been a grandson of Alasdair. The closest lineage to the main stem in the late 16th century may have been that of Alasdair (21112), second son of Griogair, (2111) who settled at Ardlarich in Rannoch in the early 16th century.

In the earlier generations certain assumptions had to be made in order to fit the observed relationships of the various lineages to the genealogy. In the theoretical model of clanship, the chief would emplace his sons or closest kin rather than, and sometimes at the expense of less closely related kin. Thus, as the kindred expanded, the third son of Eoin dubh, Donnchadh mor (3) settled in Roro, Glen Lyon [53] and the fourth son may have been Dubhgall, vicar of Fortingall (4) and great grandfather of Seamus, Dean of Lismore (4111). [54] It is possible that one or more of these were the sons of Griogair (obit 1415), as claimed by Sir John Murray, however, this is not critical to an examination of the 16th century lineages.

The relationship of other branches of the clan to the main stem is problematic. A letter of 1592 reciting the ‘principallis houshalderis of the Clangregour’ [55] divided the clan into three: ‘the lardis awn gang’, the ‘gang and hous of Roro’ and the ‘gang of Gregour McEane’. Buchanan of Auchmar in the 18th century gave the principal families as ‘the lairds of MacGregor, being extinct’; ‘Dugal Keir’s family’; Rora and Brackley. [56] The laird’s lineage are the descendants of Griogair (2111) who succeeded on the death of Eoin dubh in 1519. The sons of Donnchadh mor (3) of Roro are stated by Martin MacGregor to be Donnchadh beag (31), Niall bhreac (32), Uisdean (33) and Uilleam (34) settled in Roro (Glen Lyon), Fearnan, Ardeonaig and Rannoch respectively in the early 15th century. [57]

The ‘gang of Gregour McEane’ which included Brackley is more problematical. I suggest that Griogair (222) may be the father of Donnchadh MacGriogair (2223), constable of Kilchurn and Padraig MacGriogair (2221), obit 1518, tenant of Mamlorn. Eoin dubh (22231), son of Donnchadh was in turn the constable of Kilchurn Castle for the lairds of Glen Orchy. He held the lands of Brackley in Glen Orchy, which his descendants continued to hold until at least 1690. Hereinafter 2223’s lineage will be referred to as Brackley. He also obtained lands in Glen Lochay where his sons were found in Duncroisk and Murlaganmore in the later 16th century. The eldest son of Eoin dubh was the eponym ‘Gregour McEane’ and as his name appears to be used to label both lineages it suggests that Donnchadh (2223) constable of Kilchurn was the senior. The son of Padraig MacGriogair in Mamlorn, was Donnchadh ladasach (22211) who held lands at Corriecharmaig in Glen Lochay and at Ardchoille in Glen Dochart. The descendants of Donnchadh ladasach, referred to as Ladasach included Donnchadh abrach (2221111) and his son Raibart (22211111).

Two other lineages may descend from Tearlaich ciar, (221 - obit 1494), a possible brother of the above Griogair (222).  Dubhgall ciar, progenitor of the Clandoulchčire of Balquhidder and Glengyle, and also Raibart mor, (22112) progenitor of a lineage in the Buchanan lands of Craigrostan and Strathyre that used the surname MacRob.  This suggestion was based on the common byname ciar. A patronymic for Dubhgall ciar has not been found and it is possible that he was closer to the main stem.

The MacGregors of Ardinconnel in the Gareloch were recorded in the 16th century, feuding with the Buchanans. Their origin is unclear but it is possible that they descend from Griogair (obit 1415), perhaps a brother of Eoin dubh in Glenorchy. This could be Sir John Murray’s ‘Gregor Aluin’. [58] A bond of manrent in 1591 between Aulay MacAulay of Ardincaple and Alasdair MacGregor of Glen Strae claimed kinship between them. A 13th century link is suggested by ‘understanding ourselves and our name to be MacAlpins of Old and to be our just and true surname whereof we are all come, and the said Alexander to be the eldest brother’. [59]   Even at that distance the kinship link was valued. However, despite the suggestion that the feud between the Colquhouns and MacGregors of Ardinconnel had been the origin of the conflict of Glen Fruin, [60] the MacGregors of Ardinconnel remained at a distance from the turmoils of the wider clan. They do not occur in the various lists. Finally, in 1609:

MacAulay of MacAulay, who had an estate in Ireland called Bally Law, exchanged it with Robert MacGregor of Ardnaconnell, who went to Ireland, where he assumed the name of Stewart, and the belief in the country is that he was the ancestor of the family of Londonderry. [61]

Assigning years of birth is an arbitrary procedure. Identifying multiple marriages, or ‘natural’ offspring is impossible unless explicitly stated. Even seniority of birth can only be guessed at from the ranking in the lists. However, it became apparent that in order to connect the generations based on known dates (charters and obits) and the evidence of the patronymics, many sons appear to have been born to fathers aged thirty or older implying late marriage.  As a rule, 25-30 years between generations works until the late 16th century when the gap appears to reduce. This may have been the result of pressure on the clan, suggesting that in better times, marriage was deferred until the clansman had the means to support a family, but behaviour changed when times became harder. Earlier marriage may also explain the sixteen score of children reported in 1613. Obits or mention of individuals in processes for removal or crimes, especially with their sons cited, may indicate considerable age. Unless they were mentioned, as with Donnchadh ladasach, (22211) as being of great age, an apparent age of over 70 has been rejected. However, Eoin MacDubhgaill chčir (2211113) acquitted at his trial in 1604 of a slaughter ‘committit fourtie sax yeir syne or thairby’ [62] must have been at least in his sixties. 

Letters of horning recorded at Perth in 1586 and 1602, listed most of the clan by name. Another list was included in the Privy Council record in 1590. [63] The 1602 horning was not printed in Amelia MacGregor but was transcribed by John MacGregor WS. [64] Of the 103 names in the 1586 list, four were not MacGregors and only two of the remainder could not be placed in the genealogy. Among the 139 named in 1590, all appear to be MacGregors but 13 could not be identified and there are seven apparent duplications. The 1602 list has 196 names, including a MacNab and a Lawrye, the remainder all appear to be MacGregor. Forty-nine, including twelve with the unqualified surname Mcgregor, could not be identified. The 1602 list has fewer specified locations and of these a number are unidentified and apparently different from the established clan locations. Previously unknown MacGregor locations such as Strathspey demonstrate definite dispersion. Coupled with fewer and shorter patronymics this list contains indications of severe stress on the kindred, not so evident in the earlier lists. Sixteen names identified on earlier and later lists, ought to be in the 1602 list, but may be among the forty-nine unidentified. It is quite possible that ‘part-takers’ described as MacGregors have been included. 

The complete genealogy has 172 men been born between 1520 and 1559 and a further 224 between 1560 and 1590. An estimated 200 adult males alive in 1590-1600 may be reasonable and consistent with ‘sixteen score of new arising’ in 1613. [65]   It is probable that there are errors in the hypothetical genealogy, especially in the estimated ages, but the purpose is to understand whether the events show the clan acting as a whole, or as a series of sub-clans, or indeed as individual householders. While specific genealogical relationships are largely educated guesswork, unless explicitly stated, the assignment of individuals to particular lineages of the clan may be made with a little more confidence. As well as locations, particular names were useful: most Roberts, apart from Raibart abrach (22211111) in Ladasach, were in the MacRob lineage; Johnson, Jameson and Deneson were peculiar to the Fortingal lineage; most of Clandoulcheire used the patronymic VcCoulcheire; McNeil was common in the Roro-3/Fearnan lineage; Charles/Tearlaich occurred only in Brackley.

The majority of the unidentified names are post 1603.  The complete genealogy back to Gille-coluim, the chief who died in 1440 contains 586 names. Taking the 1602 list of 196 as the total number of adult males in the clan then alive, 39 out of 47 documented deaths and executions in 1603/4 and a further 35 out of 40 deaths in 1611/12 with an unknown number killed as outlaws represented a considerable proportion of the kindred and most of the leadership. More so with some lineages becoming divorced from the clan, such as Glenlednock which, while numbered with the rest in 1602, fought against the rebels at Tomzarloch in 1610.

Numbers appear to increase significantly from ‘four scoir of men’ in 1564 [66] to 196 in 1602 and in 1613, ‘a fresh growth of this unhappy weed (whereof there be of male kind, some sixteen score of new arising). [67]   Perhaps this was an exaggeration but in December 1612, ‘the haill bairns of the Clangregour … the oldest not past thirteen years of age’ numbered fourscore. [68] The table demonstrated a high turnover, with the elderly being replaced by their sons. Between the 97 identified in 1586 and 119 of 1590 only 41 occur in both lists and only 31 occur in all three. The 1586 list appeared to include mainly heads of households while the 1602 list may have been an attempt to include all adult males. However, there was a considerable reduction in the Ardeonaig and Glenlednock lineages in 1602 compared with the earlier lists.  Both lineages had been moving into Strathearn around Comrie since 1569. [69] They appear to have become closely aligned with Lord Drummond. Two members of the Glenlednock lineage died in 1603/4 and one in 1611/12, all three being the sons of Padraig Ammonach in Kingart. [70] Three of the Ardeonaig lineage died in 1603/4 and one in 1613.

The seven members of the chief’s own lineage in 1586 and 1590 had grown to 23 by 1602 as his five uncles had 23 sons, natural and legitimate, between them. In the chapter on crime the cousins of the chief feature prominently. Their numbers may have exceeded the resources available to them. Eight of this lineage died in 1603/4 and a further two in 1611/12. Four members of the Ardlarich lineage listed in 1590 may have been the closest to the main stem but suffered no executions. Apart from the immediate relatives of the Alasdair ruadh, the Clandoulcheire suffered six executions in 1603/4 and four in 1611/12. Clandoulchčire numbered seven in 1586, ten in 1590 and 20 in 1602.

In 1586 and 1590 there is no trace of the Ladasach lineage although 11 are listed in 1602. ‘Duncan Abroche of Ardchoille grandson of Duncan Ladosach had fled to Lochaber in 1552 but appears in 1592, living at Corriechairmich’. [71]   Brackley, which seems to be closely associated with Ladasach, had six each in 1586 and 1590, when Gregour McEane continued as Glenorchy’s constable of Kilchurn, but 16 in 1602. Brackley suffered seven executions in 1611/12. In 1604, according to the Black Book of Taymouth, at Bentoig (Beinn Todhaig near Loch Tulla), Robert Campbell slew

Duncane Abroch McGregour (2221111) with his sone Gregore in Ardchyllie, Dougall McGregour McCoulcheir (2211111) in Glengyle with his son Duncane, Charlis McGregour VcEane (2223141) in Braiklie quha wer principallis in that band, with tuentie otheris of thair complissis slain in the chais. [72]

Sir Robert Gordon stated that although 60 MacGregors were outnumbered by Glenorchy’s men ‘accompanied with some of the ClanChameron, Clanab, and Clanronald to the number of two hundred men’, only ‘Duncan abrach and his son Duncan’ (Gregor?) were killed against seven of their pursuers. [73]

The McRobs of Strathyre and Craigrostan numbered 16 in 1586 and 1590, dropping to 14 in 1603, suffered no deaths in 1603/4 and two in 1611/12. Some of the MacRobs adopted the alias Buchanan after 1603.

The Roro (Roro-2 in Glen Lyon) and Rannoch (Roro-5) lineages together were numerically strong, 24 in 1586, 21 in 1590 and 26 in 1602. Between them they had four deaths in 1603/4 and just one in 1611/12. This may mean a detachment from the rest of the clan or could indicate the greater security of the terrain around Rannoch.

The claimed militancy and aggression of the clan was inconsistent with their spatial distribution, demonstrated by the map in the appendix. Less than 200 men were spread widely over an area of roughly 2500 square kilometres. Among the total of 144 identified in 1602, 23 of the Glenstrae lineage were considerably dispersed from Glenstrae itself, with some in Morenish and Fearnan, by Loch Tay and others in Balquhidder. Fifteen of the Roro-Rannoch and Ardlarich lineages occupied farms spread over 30 km along Loch Rannoch and to the west. Thirty-four of the Clandoulchčire and MacRob lineages had settled in an area of over 400 square km around Balquhidder, Strathgartney and Strathyre. Twenty-seven of Ladasach and Brackley were in 600 square km around Glen Lochay, Glen Dochart, Strath Fillan and also at Dowletter and Brackley near Kilchurn. Fifteen of Glenlednock and Ardeonaig occupied 500 square km to the south of Loch Tay, the east of Loch Earn and around Comrie. Twenty-four of the Glen Lyon, Fearnan and Fortingal lineages were in the 400 square km around the Northern end of Loch Tay and upper Strath Tay. The popular impression of an armed and numerous band of caterans summoned out of the mist by the crann-tŕra, or fiery cross, within moments is untenable. Days would be required to communicate and gather. Landlord and state policy may have gone a considerable way to creating such landless cateran bands, particularly after 1613 but it could not been true earlier. 

Among the unidentified are the ‘MacCotter lineage. In April 1612, ‘Patrick MacGregour McCotter’, one of the ‘most notable thieves, and limmers of the ClanGregour’ was taken. [74]   In December 1612, ‘Duncan McCorcodell of Fantelands became plege and souertie for Lauchlane McCorcodale Notter his brother for ye allegit being in cumpanie wt umqle Allaster McGregor of Glenstrae and his complices at ye raid of Glenfrune’. [75] The McCorquodales were an old family from Loch Aweside. ‘Fantelands’ may be Fionnt Eilean on Loch Awe. [76] Duncan McOtter dow in the Otter was horned in 1602 and ‘John dow McCottar dow McGregour’ occurs on one of the Luss lists. ‘Duncan MacCarlye in the Otter’ was included in the 1602 horning suggesting that he might be a son of Tearlaich, (2223141) and grandson of Gregour McEane, erstwhile Constable of Kilchurn. A possibility for the ‘Otter’ may be An Oitir on Loch Fyne, less than a mile from Argyll’s seat at Inveraray. If so, it is likely that they, like the McCorquodales, were in Argyll’s service and makes it even more probable that Argyll instigated the events leading to Glen Fruin.

Only 70% of the 1863 nominal entries could be identified, but many of the unidentified are in the Luss lists of 1613. Ignoring the Luss lists raised the percentage to 85% of 1194. Although some of the unidentified may well be ‘part-takers’, the evidence appears to indicate that the large majority of the clan descended from Griogar. Some ‘part-takers’ may have been described as ‘MacGregor’ and the DNA evidence may support this. However, it has been suggested that Sir John Murray paid expenses to the MacGregors that voted for him in 1787 and a small number of those re-assuming the name may have been opportunistic. [77] The earlier, territory-occupying clan may have incorporated ‘part-takers’, but it may be speculated, as there is no evidence either way, that the later, outlawed clan provided a nucleus for collecting ‘broken-men’ and thus augmented its numbers. 

  Chapter 2 - The possession of land by Clan Gregor



[34] R.A.Dodgshon, ‘Pretense of blude and place of thair duelling: the nature of Highland clans, 1500-1745’, in R.A.Houston and I.D.Whyte (eds), Scottish Society 1500-1745. (Cambridge, 1989), 169-98

[35] A Pearson, ‘The Place of Designation in Scottish History’, unpublished typescript, 76, quoted from J Stewart of Ardvorlich, The Camerons: A History of Clan Cameron, (1974), 129

[36] See below for a discussion of the lineages.

[37] http://www.familytreedna.com/faq.html#q1

[38] The laboratory is part of the University of Arizona. Website:  http://www.familytreedna.com

[39] The ‘haplogroup’ term is being changed at the time of writing but does not affect this argument.

[40] See discussion chapter 2

[41] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 323, Record of Justiciary

[42] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 377, Record of Justiciary

[43] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, discussion, 10-42

[44] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of The Clan Gregor from Public Records and Private

Collections, (Edinburgh, 1898, 1901), vol i, p57-66, Donald Gregory’s translation

[45] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, throughout.

[46] D Masson, Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, vols iii - xi .

[47] National Archives of Scotland (henceforth NAS) G.D.50, The John MacGregor, W.S. Collection.

[48] NAS: G.D.50, The John MacGregor, W.S. Collection.

[49] J. MacGregor of Roro, ‘The MacGregors of Roro’, printed in Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness’, vol xxiv, (Inverness, 1904), 413-428

[50] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 408

[51] A sign of allegiance. Literally the ‘best cow’ which went to the chief on the clansman’s death.

[52] Stirling Archives: PD60; MacGregor of MacGregor papers, bundles 812 and 813, ‘The Chartulary of Clan Gregor’.

[53] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 160

[54] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 165

[55] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 237, NAS, G.D.112/1/196a

[56] W. Buchanan of Auchmar, … the genealogy…of The Highland Clans &c, (Glasgow, 1820), 106

[57] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 160

[58] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 44-55

[59] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 231.

[60] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 228

[61] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 341

[62] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 327, Record of Justiciary.

[63] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 205-210, Register of the Privy Council of Scotland (henceforth RPC) Vol iv, 453-6

[64] NAS G.D.50/187/2

[65] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 409

[66] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 336, NAS, G.D.50/187/1

[67] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 409

[68] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 427, Balfour’s Collection

[69] M.D.W. MacGregor, ‘A Political History ’, 98-99

[70] see chapter 3 below

[71] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 336

[72] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 335, Black Book of Taymouth

[73] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 336, Sir Robert Gordon’s History of the Earldom of Sutherland

[74] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 399, Record of Secret Council

[75] A.G.M. MacGregor, History of Clan Gregor, vol i, 404, Record of Justiciary

[76] F Adam & T Innes, Clans Septs and Regiments of the Scottish Highlands, (Edinburgh,1954), 334

[77] I am grateful to Dr Richard McGregor for this suggestion